Note: Where available, the PDF/Word icon below is provided to view the complete and fully formatted document
Aboriginal deaths in custody - Royal Commission (Hon. E.F. Johnston, QC) - Reports - Regional report of inquiry into - Underlying issues in Western Australia (Commissioner P.L. Dodson) - Volume 2
Download PDF
ROYAL COMMISSION INTO ABORIGINAL DEATHS IN CUSTODY
REGIONAL REPORT
OF INQUIRY INTO
UNDERLYING ISSUES IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA
VOLUME 2
Commonwealth, Western Australia
ROYAL COMMISSION INTO ABORIGINAL DEATHS IN CUSTODY
REGIONAL REPORT
OF INQUIRY INTO
UNDERLYING ISSUES IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA
VOLUME 2
BY
COMMISSIONER P.L. DODSON
Australian Government Publishing Service Canberra
©Commonwealth of Australia 1991 ISBN (Volume 2) 0 644 14180 8 ISBN (the set) 0 644 14169 7
This work is copyright. Apart from any use as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the Australian Government Publishing Service. Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed to the Manager, AGPS Press, GPO Box 84, Canberra ACT 2601.
Printed in Australia by P. J. GRILLS, Commonwealth Government Printer, Canberra
11.1 Brief history of Aboriginal labour
Historically, Aborigines have suffered legislative restrictions and discrimination in every phase of employment, from the kind of work they could lawfully undertake, to wages, accommodation and workers compensation. Unions have offered little or no support to black workers, and employers have been aided by court decisions based on racist stereotypes. Legislation enshrined unconscionable employment practices by government and private employers alike ... 'blood' or 'colour' alone were the criteria by which discrimination at the workface was practised and maintained [McCorquodale, 1985:3].
As observed in earlier chapters and sections, one of the processes of devaluing
Aboriginality, was the externalisation of many aspects of social control among
Aboriginal people and groups. Sanctions and laws enforcing social propriety
and entrenching a commitment to social usefulness, were deliberately
undermined. This form of social usefulness could also be referred to as the
'work ethic'. What has become increasingly apparent is that while the labour of
Aboriginal men and women provided the means of many pastoral, agricultural
and marine industries today, recognition of that labour fell short of any form of
economic and social recompense. As times moved ahead and new political and
economic options have been pursued, Aboriginal people's future or participation
has been primarily left aside, or marginalised.
11.1.1 From rags and rations, to dole money and inactivity
In Chapter 2, it was stated that the only way the relationship between Aboriginal
and non-Aboriginal people, with regard to labour, can be discussed is as that of
'master/servant'. This relationship was one, established during the latter part of
the previous century and the early part of this century, where the colonial powers
exploited Aboriginal labour for their own purposes of expansion. At the tum of
the century, Aborigines were employed as shepherds, stockmen and women,
farm hands, divers and domestics. In return for their labour, Aborigines
primarily received payment in food and clothing. While some people remained
resident on pastoral and agricultural properties, others combined seasonal work
521
for the pastoralists with traditional means of subsistence. They were able to
retain access to bush food and medicine, because many of the properties (at that
time) remained uncleared.
Given the material considered above, and throughout Chapter 4, what is most
striking is that the conditions with regard to Aboriginal people and work are
significant in view of those who died in custody. That is, in Chapter 4, when
discussing the people whose lives are under direct consideration by the
RCIADIC, it was stated that, 'at the time of their last custody, not one of the
deceased had completed their secondary education ... [and] ... only five were
employed at the time of their last arrest' (p.81). It needs to be further stated that
two of those who were considered 'employed' were from Community
Development Employment Programme (CDEP) communities (see Section 11.1.4
for discussion of CDEP). Additionally, it was noted in Chapter 2, that a
Community Based Corrections officer, who gave evidence to my Commission,
advised that Aboriginal prisoners, when asked to provide information about their
employment history, nearly always said they were 'just a labourer'. He went on
to say that the answer suggested to him that they were saying, 'I am just a
nobody' (p.82). Views such as these- 'I am just a nobody'- reflect not only the
Aboriginal perspective in relation to non-Aboriginal people and their perceptions
when someone is considered 'just a labourer', or unemployed as the case so
often is, but comments such as these also deny the fact that Aboriginal people
made substantial contributions in the development of this country, often as
'slaves' to their 'masters'. This point is rarely acknowledged by non-Aboriginal
people. The following account graphically illustrates my meaning here:
Now in those days [the 1940s and 1950s], to our experience there was no such thing as money. We didn't see any money at all in the old days. All that the stockmen got as pay was perhaps two shirts and two pairs of trousers a year, while they were working. Boots, hat, canvas swag, and a couple of blankets were supplied too. That's about all. No money! The swags would usually last for two or three years. Anyone who owned a swag used to share it with those who didn't ... The government used to give the station owners or managers some sort of permit to work blackfellas such as myself and all the others here. The
522
permit gave them the status of a 'protector'. It gave them the same authority as the policemen, who were also protectors. If there was any trouble with the blackfellas, then the police used to sort it out. But, because he was the permit holder and as such a protector, the station manager could do pretty much as he liked
[Lawford in Marshall, 1988:15].
The permit system, also referred to in Chapter 2, was, in so many ways, to
continue the unequal aspects of Aboriginal/non-Aboriginal relations and work.
This was partly because the system reflected the alliance between the vested
interests of the colonisers (e .g. protectors, pastoralists, police) against
Aboriginal people. The system also served to establish the 'master/servant'
relationship and in so doing set a precedent to disallow future governments to
pay Aboriginal people 'a fair day's wage for a fair day's work'. In fact there
was not, as noted earlier, any form of equitable legislation in this regard until
1968 and introduction of the Federal Pastoral Industry Award. The permit
system was to stay largely in place in this State until the introduction of the
Award.
The influx of gold, the development of the wheat industry, railway construction,
and the pastoral and marine industries, were all ways whereby the colonial
government saw a means of sustaining economic growth, and of providing
future employment. While the pastoral areas of Western Australia were
traditionally in the northern and eastern parts of the State, it is essential to
observe that the south-west should also be considered in this regard. As
Haebich (1984) and Hodson (1989) point out, Aboriginal people in the south
west were among those who were granted land to work for themselves.
However by 1914 almost all of their grants had been cancelled. Most of the land
occupied by Aboriginal farmers was granted under a special provision first
introduced in 1887 (under a piece of legislation termed 'Land Regulations').
However, that land could be resumed at any time by the colonial government.
Hodson (1989:79) states that, unlike non-Aboriginal people, the Aboriginal
farmers 'had no title against which to borrow the finance needed to carry out the
improvements required by the terms of occupancy. Their only option was to
523
hire themselves out as seasonal and contract workers, but since they also had to
support their families, they were able to accumulate very little capital'. The
outcome of this measure was that without assistance from the 'Aborigines
Department' (which was not forthcoming) Aboriginal people were unable to
meet the terms of their occupancy and therefore had their blocks resumed by
government authorities.
What is apparent from the preceding account are several points which can be
clearly put: Aboriginal labour was a mainstay in the development of this State;
the exploitation of that labour has never been fully recognised or compensated
for; Aboriginal people were forced into a 'master/servant' relationship by using
their own labour while development of their own resources was denied; with the
introduction of the Federal Pastoral Industry Award and increased mechanisation
into industries where Aboriginal labour had once been a solid contributor,
Aboriginal people were cast aside; in the present climate they are denied access to
employment owing to issues such as racism, lack of culturally appropriate
industries, inadequate training, and ineffective government policies. Today,
they are the most unemployed group of people in this country. The following
material explores some of the matters further.
11.1.2 Current responsibilities and practices of private and public sector interests
Figures from the 1986 Census indicate that at that time 3,804 Aboriginal people,
who were eligible for employment in this State, were unemployed. This figure
indicates that around 39% of the Aboriginal population are denied employment,
compared to the State average of 9.4% . While this is a State-wide estimate, in
areas where there have been specific studies undertaken, the seriousness of the
situation can be more particularly appreciated. For example, in Fitzroy Crossing
in 1986 it was found that only 5.7% (51 persons out of 882) of the total potential
workforce had regular full-time employment (Arthur, W.S., 1986).
524
In 1987 the Federal Government launched its Aboriginal Employment
Development Policy (AEDP). This policy was aimed at incorporating a series of
specific measures and programmes which were theoretically directed toward
'economic independence' for Aboriginal people by the year 2000. These policies
were tied into the Department of Employment, Education and Training (DEET) at
a Federal level, and the Departtnent of Employment and Training (DET) at a State
level. These departments, and the role they play in relation to their ability to
empower Aboriginal people, 'are further referred to throughout this report.
The Aboriginal Employment Action Programme (AEA) is the private sector
component of this policy, aimed, according to policy guidelines, at increasing the
numbers and status of Aboriginal people employed with national companies, on
the basis of equity and merit. The three major industry bodies - the Australian
Council of Trade Unions (ACfU), the Business Council of Australia (BCA) and
the Confederation of Australian Industry (CAl) were all involved in the
development of the programme. Notably, an Aboriginal component was not.
The degree to which Aboriginal people have been excluded from the labour
market cannot be underestimated.
11.1.2.1 Regional economic development
Of central importance to my discussion in relation to exclusion from the labour
market, is the argument that the specific concerns of Aboriginal people cannot be
separated from the concerns of regional development (cf. Howitt, 1990; Crough
et al, 1989; Howitt et al, 1990). Essentially, I am of the view that Aboriginal
participation in regional economic development is fundamental to achieving
locally sustainable economies in rural and remote Australia, not an optional extra
to be considered as a welfare issue once regional plans are in place. Aboriginal
people are an integral component of regional economies. This could be said for
this State, and, indeed, for the entire country.
525
In particular, I am informed in this matter by research findings that have been
put before me, as well as research ·conducted for my Commission, by
Dr Richard Howitt (Criminology Research Paper 5, 1990). While many of Dr
Howitt's comments directly relate to the issue of Aboriginal people and mining
in the Eastern Goldfields region of Western Australia, a number of the points he
addresses are relevant to the whole issue of economic development and
employment.
Essentially, I wish to put forward four basic issues which affect Aboriginal
participation in local economic development: local labour marlcet issues, such as
training, employment conditions, skill requirements, itinerancy and so on;
racism, particularly the structures of racism which affect Aboriginal participation
in economic, political and social activity; education, and the continued failure of
a crucial area of government policy to achieve basic goals; the region's narrow
economic base, and the virtual exclusion of Aboriginal people from participation
in it. Most of these matters are also considered elsewhere in my report (e.g. in
Chapter 12 on Education).
In raising these issues so explicitly I want to argue, in keeping with Howitt
(1990) as follows:
1. It is possible to identify the essential structural mechanisms which have disempowered many Aboriginal people and continue to marginalise them from their economic goals.
2. The existing policies and practices of the Aboriginal affairs 'industry' is as much a part of the problem as the policies and practices of private sector employers, and cannot be defended. They are certainly not contributing to ostensible goals such as self-determination and economic independence from welfarism.
3. Arguments for compensation, land rights and special programs are important, but we cannot, nor do we have to rely on policy changes to begin pursuing local changes. It is possible, and essential, for Aboriginal interests themselves to intemalise the processes of empowerment and create changes, rather than wait for changes to create justice.
526
4. Within the existing structures of the mining industry, the range of Aboriginal initiatives and government programs, there are opportunities for local diversification of the region's economic base in ways which encourage participation of Aboriginal interests in the creation of new wealth, and the independent pursuit of Aboriginal goals.
5. Aboriginal economic development strategies do not have to 'isolate themselves from the [diverse] cultural, social, political and personal goals of Aboriginal people. It is essential that the framework used to analyse and act upon local
opportunities and constraints recognises that empowerment essentially involves the simultaneous pursuit of all these concerns.
Initially, I tum to local labour market concerns and Aboriginal people. The data
presented throughout this report demonstrates that Aboriginal people have been
excluded from key sectors of the local labour market.
As Howitt notes (1990:83) it is worth observing that none of the public sector
departments involved in Aboriginal employment, development and training were
able to provide to him adequate data on the concerns of Aboriginal employment
and training. This is certainly reflected in the non-existence of any viable
strategies to address priority areas in local labour market reform. Such neglect
shows just how isolated from the 'main game' the Aboriginal affairs industry is,
and it reflects some ambivalence of Aboriginal affairs policies and practices to the
notion of Aboriginal economic issues rather than Aboriginal welfare issues. One
could be forced to conclude that the 'Aboriginal industry' might be more
interested in reproducing the need for welfare than engaging in empowerment
which will reduce welfare concerns to a reasonable component of the portfolio,
as it is in the broader society.
In particular the restructuring of the mining workforce, involving a range of
processes including multiskilling, decreased unionisation, increased levels of
contract labour and higher levels of female employment, has generally decreased
rather than increased the opportunities for direct Aboriginal employment. In this
sense, the restructuring has created yet another mechanism by which the current
527
generation of Aboriginal people are being effectively excluded from the
workforce. In the wider labour market, the need to equip workers and
unemployed people for participation in changing labour markets has been
recognised. The introduction of the industry training levy, the processes of
award restructuring and various reviews of employment, education and training,
have all been at least partly directed at this effort. Where employers'
restructuring of workplaces or work practices leads to redundancies, there has
generally been a social expectation and even requirement for employers to meet at
least some of the costs of retraining. Yet where a broader scale of restructuring,
restructuring at the regional and industry scale, intersects with the local
production of 'social' redundancies, 'nobody' is responsible. The private sector,
while largely cynical of the role of government intervention in the labour market,
nevertheless expects that responsibility for dealing with 'social' redundancies,
such as experienced by Aboriginal people in the Goldfields, will be accepted by
government. The public sector generally abdicates responsibility by pointing to
performance indicators and existing caseloads, as if to say, 'Well, what more can
we do?'. Many Aboriginal people, used to extemalising many crucial aspects of
decision-making and social control have found it difficult to effectively take
initiatives in the Eastern Goldfields, and have waited for 'someone else' to do
something (see also Howitt, 1990:85).
11.1.2.2 Racism and work
Findings contained in the report presented to me by the Aboriginal Issues Unit
(1990:21) stress that: 'Racial prejudice by employers, both Government and
private, was regarded as the primary cause of Aboriginal unemployment. It was
suggested that in country areas many employers were descended from pioneering
families and had inherited their racist attitudes. Because of their status in the
community they easily influenced newcomers to think the same. Jobs tended to
be given to white people either within the community or from elsewhere'.
528
In keeping with comments such as that made available to me by members of the
AIU and through conference material (e.g. RCIADIC Gnowangerup Transcript,
1990; RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, 1990), it became apparent that the
structures of racism towards Aboriginal people are endemic in Australian society
generally (see also Howitt 1990:85). Throughout this report, I have attempted to
consider aspects of racism and its ability to disempower Aboriginal people.
According to Howitt's (ibid) findings in the workplace, racism has the effect of
marginalising and isolating Aboriginal workers from the cameraderie and
solidarity of the workplace. Where it is broken down, people begin to feel
comfortable and able to perform. Such barriers are also reflected in the wider
society, where, as noted earlier, few non-Aboriginal people not working in the
'Aboriginal industry' experience social interaction with Aboriginals on an â¢
everyday friendship basis. It is often the case that itinerant workers have had
little previous direct experience with Aboriginal people, and that long-term
residents have views coloured by negative experiences. It is this sort of nexus
that needs to be broken. The community structures within Aboriginal and
non-Aboriginal groups need to develop opportunities to address these concerns.
Again, one is drawn back to the centrality of education and the failures of
existing policies in the current structures to meet the needs of Aboriginal people,
and to the practicalities of the processes of challenging them.
11.1.2.3 Education and work
Education is not limited to the opportunities given to school children. It is
recognised that continuing education of both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal
people is central to addressing marginalisation. On the one hand, the need for
strategically relevant programmes of skills development aimed at improving
Aboriginal direct and indirect employment outcomes, throughout the economy, is
needed. To overcome the legacy of previous decades of racism, neglect,
inappropriate poUcies, and entrenched patterns of inequity, Aboriginal people
need opportunities to access a range of skills, knowledge, values and
understandings. This concern should not be restricted to the specific skills of
529
particular occupations, but should address the broader issues of employment
such as self-confidence and management skills. However, equipping Aboriginal
people with the required skills to participate will not, on its own, achieve
equality.
11.1.2.4 An economic base
It is clear that Aboriginal people do not have available to them a sound economic
base: this is denied through dispossession; lack of compensation in relation to
land, labour, royalties, children; denial of access to employment opportunities;
and cultural and regional marginalisation and exclusion. Material contained in
Chapters 6 and 7 also informs this point. The vulnerability of Aboriginal people
who are without any form of equity, specifically affects those interests whose
future is tied into particular regions. To date, according to research provided to
me by Howitt (1990:88), few proposals to diversify the local economic base have
incorporated local Aboriginal groups in the planning and development process. It
is, therefore, essential to highlight some of the suggestions of Aboriginal groups
themselves for developing a diversified base for Aboriginal participation in local
economic development.
11.1.2.5 Aboriginal ideas for work
One set of suggestions involves use of secure land tenure over pastoral areas as a
base for training and production in the pastoral sector. In some cases, this has
also been linked to development of alcohol rehabilitation facilities and a broader
educational alternative for young Aboriginal people. This approach to economic
development integrates not only financial concerns, but also concerns of health,
education, cultural maintenance, and development of an independent capital base.
Another set of suggestions involves development of services to mining, including
contracting for small scale earthworks, land rehabilitation and labouring, etc. The
opportunities related to development of seed collection, small scale rehabilitation
530
earthworks and general service of the industry's rehabilitation needs has been
identified in this report as a major area for developing Aboriginal economic
development. It has been suggested here that development of a number oflocally
based enterprises in mining centres (such as Port Hedland, the East Kimberley,
Kalgoorlie, Leonora), in association with a resource agency based technical
service group, is worthy of detailed consideration as an area for immediate action.
A further set of suggestions involves development of a range of specifically
Aboriginal industries, including emu farming, value-added production in arts and
crafts, including integrated production of sandalwood artifacts, and a broadly
defined cultural industry, including linking these activities to the tourist industry.
In the Goldfields region, the Kurrawang Emu Farm represents the most
advanced of these proposals, and is clearly moving towards a successful,
independent operation. As noted earlier, there is a need for consideration to be
given to support for specific economic development programmes in the arts and
crafts and tourism area, including artists in residence in settlements wishing to
develop this area, and provision of requisite infrastrucuture and facilities.
Aboriginal involvement in a range of retailing, small scale manufacturing and
other small businesses would service not only the Aboriginal population, but
would have the effect of bringing some of the wealth circulating in the wider
community into the Aboriginal sphere. In the case of Leonora Aboriginal
Movement, the Leonora Supermarket, purchased from funds provided under the
Harbour Lights Agreement, represents a significant move in this direction,
although earlier problems with management, and the need to incorporate training
for Aboriginal employment at all levels in the operation remain to be addressed in
that case (cf. Howitt, 1990:89).
A range of opportunities, involving for example Aboriginal management of
nature reserves and national parks, rangelands rehabilitation, and decentralised
settlement of Aboriginal lands as a base for cultural production, education and
land management, have only just begun to emerge for consideration. This again
531
raises the importance of government action to address the concerns of Aboriginal
people to secure recognition of their claims for land and compensation.
Perhaps a rethink of the 'trial and error' philosophy is needed. This would need
support from all levels of Government. That is, in any economic area, there is
going to be failed ventures. Mining companies tend to accept that one out of
every thousand exploration bids fails to produce a mine. The public sector needs
to reflect on why and how the mining industry takes that risk. A thoughtful
approach to this level of innovation, may have consequences for unemployment
budgets that entail DSS entitlements and CDEP (see 11.1.4 ). Any further
reviews by the Department of Education and Training (DET), and the Department
of Employment, Education and Training (DEET) should, in my Commission's
view, give these matters serious consideration.
11.1.2.6 A case study: Fitting the Eastern Goldfields into a broader context
Howitt's (1990) work makes available a detailed study in relation to the issues
mentioned above. I provide further material from his findings, and suggest that
matters for people from the Goldfields could be extrapolated to Aboriginal people
elsewhere in this State. The following material should be read in conjunction
with Chapter 15 on mining, and the matter of mining should be seen as a feature
peculiar to the region.
Howitt's report provides the first broad review of the relationship between
Aboriginal and mining interests in the Eastern Goldfields. It has revealed a
complex and difficult situation. Unlike other areas where this relationship has
been examined in detail, the Eastern Goldfields is not characterised by a small
number of relatively large and recent mines affecting a relatively small number of
Aboriginal communities. Instead, the region has a continuing tradition of mining
stretching back almost one hundred years, with many mines and mining areas
having gone through several cycles of development. Not only is the mining
532
sector characterised by a great diversity, but so is the Aboriginal population.
Local Aboriginal interests include groups committed to the maintenance of
traditional Law, strong Christian fundamentalist groups, groups with links to
mining, pastoralism and other industrial activity, and many others. This
diversity parallels the breadth of Aboriginal experience across the entire
continent. Recognition of this diversity is fundamental to any equitable strategies
for pursuing Aboriginal economic development in the region.
To date, the interests of some groups within the Aboriginal sector have been
marginalised because they have not been well-represented within the existing
Aboriginal politics. This is changing, but the rigidity of existing structures, and
the resistance of vested interests creates barriers to successfully empowering
such groups towards economic autonomy. While the Eastern Goldfields is
unique in terms of the specifics of the relationship between Aboriginal and
mining interests, it holds many valuable insights relevant to a broader context of
Aboriginal economic development.
11.1.2.7 Economic development and compensation
What is of concern to my Commission is that the processes of dipossession
continue to be effectively renewed with each generation. Various chapters
throughout my report reinforce this view (see e.g. Chapters 4 and 10). The
failure of the Western Australian Parliament, in 1984, to provide legislative
recognition in relation to secure land tenure for Aboriginal people, as well as the
ongoing consequences of colonisation and the need for compensation, means that
each new generation of Aboriginal people inherits the foundations of continuing
exclusion. In the last twenty years, for example, the continuation of this process
has been calculated to have denied Aboriginal people in the Eastern Goldfields
access to capital for economic development in the order of $78.3 million
(Howitt, 1990). In this sense the process of colonisation has been entrenched in
Western Australia as an ongoing mechanism for Aboriginal marginalisation.
533
An issue in which the Eastern Goldfields holds lessons of considerable
importance to the wider context, is in recognising the diversity of Aboriginal
goals and interests. The nature and reasons for this diversity in the Eastern
Goldfields has been emphasised partly because it is an issue which has immense
practical implications in terms of developing realistic local economic development
strategies, but it is one which has been virtually excluded from the policy context
by the acceptance of naively idealised notions of Aboriginality. Chapter 6
considers this matter in some detail. Failure to accommodate the diversity of
Aboriginal experience and aspirations has also, I believe, been fundamental in the
transformation of Aboriginal economic development issues, economic justice
issues and regional political and cultural issues into welfare issues by large parts
of Australian society. Part of that transformation could be provided through the
support of the union movement.
11.1.3 Union interests
Australian Unions have gained their current structures, policies and status
through a number of socio-political, historical and economic events. One of the
most important of these was the Depression of 100 years ago and, particularly
after Federation in 1901, where a system was established which saw the
evolution of compulsory conciliation and arbitration. The fact that the system
focussed on employment, workers conditions and wages meant one thing as far
as the Aboriginal population was concerned: that they have been primarily left
outside the Union process in Australia.
There was some potential alteration to this in 1968, following the introduction of
the Federal Pastoral Industry Award (see Chapter 2) where Aboriginal people
who had previously functioned as a convenient pool of reserve labour that
pastoralists, graziers, and agriculturalists could draw on as economic and
seasonal conditions required, were deployed from station properties. Massive
destabilisation of the Aboriginal people occurred and the resultant marginalisation
534
of Aboriginal labour as paid workers. This was contributed to by the result of
technological and structural changes at local, regional and national levels.
However Union involvement has not been entirely missing, for instance the first
Aboriginal strike in Western Australia in 1947 (see e.g. McLeod, 1987; Stuart,
1959). In more recent times, several unions came out in support of Aboriginal
people during the Noonkanbah drama in 1980 (Berndt, 1982:233-253; Vincent,
1983:327-338; Hawke and Gallagher, 1989).
At present, there is minimal Aboriginal participation in the Union movement.
Realistically speaking, given the low employment levels of Aboriginal people in
this State and elsewhere, that is not surprising. However, unions can sometimes
be large and powerful institutions, vested with recognition by governments and
the legal system. Their potential involvement in striving to achieve improved
material conditions and equity, may be one way for Aboriginal people, in
conjunction with relevant local Aboriginal organisations, to provide a base for
improved conditions and political empowerment.
An example of the struggle to obtain union coverage for Aboriginal workers, is
the attempt by the Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union (FMWU) to obtain
coverage for the employees of non-Government Aboriginal agencies. In 1984
the Union applied, after consultation with Aboriginal groups, to the Industrial
Relations Commission (Application 1079) to alter its rules to enable coverage of
all workers employed by non-Government Aboriginal organisations. The
rationale behind this was to enable ready union coverage of all workers in those
settings. There was an awareness of the difficult circumstances, and less than
ideal conditions, which many employees found themselves in due to the poor
funding the organisations were forced to accepted from the funding agencies.
The Union recognised the unique characteristics of community based Aboriginal
organisations, and felt it was important to have uniform coverage within an
organisation rather than have the competitive forces of rival unions trying for
coverage within the one organisation.
535
The FMWU already had some involvement with Aboriginal employees via their
coverage of Aboriginal Health Worker's (AHWs) employed by the Community
and Child Health Services, and enrolled nurses under a separate award, at the
time of this application. Consequently, the Union had some understanding of the
issues faced by Aboriginal people in the workforce and, combined with a
commitment to social justice principles, wished to be participants in the process
of developing improved conditions for those employed in community based
organisations.
The application to the Industrial Commission was opposed by several unions
including the Federated Clerks Union, the Hospital Salaried Officers
Association, the Association of Drafting, Supervisory and Technical Employees
and the Royal Australian Nursing Federation. The Commission found that the
objections were of substance and rejected the application for coverage. The
FMWU lodged an appeal to the Industrial Appeals Court in 1985 (Appeal
No. 6), which was disallowed. Eventually the Aboriginal Medical Services
Employees' Award was accepted by the Commission and came into effect from
8 February 1988. This award gave the FMWU coverage for Field Officers,
Environmental Health Workers, Aboriginal Health Workers (with a five level
career structure), Enrolled Nurses, Gardeners, Cooks, Domestics, Drivers,
Storepersons, Alcohol Rehabilitation Assistants, and Alcohol Rehabilitation
Supervisors.
Other workers in the AHSs, such as reception and administration staff, are not
covered by the award and no other union has actively sought to represent the
interests of these workers. The interest in them expressed by other unions
during the initial application for coverage was more a territorial dispute between
rival unions rather than a dispute centred round the interests of the employees.
These employees still have no effective representation.
536
The other awards covered by the FMWU that are of relevance to employees of
community based organisations, include the HACC Award, various child care
industry awards, and the Aged and Disabled Persons Hostels Award, 1987. In
the government sector, the FMWU covers: Aboriginal Health Workers
employed by the Health Department who are covered by the Health Workers -Community and Child Health Services Award, 1989; awards for enrolled nurses,
teacher aides and Aboriginal teacher aides.
This discussion should not be seen from just an historical perspective. It is an
on-going issue. As discussed later in the section on health, the FMWU is
continuing to ensure that Western Australian employers provide Aboriginal
Health Workers with appropriate conditions and career paths as part of the award
restructuring process currently being negotiated. On 6 July 1990 the Australian
Industrial Relations Commission endorsed a new award, the Pitjantjatjara
Council Incorporated and Associated Organisations Interim A ward 1990. This is
a joint FMWU/Municipal Officers Association award and 'is designed to force
the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Commission (A TSIC) to release funds
based on the first Structural Efficiency Principle increase' (B. Daley, Assistant
General Secretary, Federal Council, FMWU, covering letter to the Award,
26 July 1990).
The International Labour Organisation (ILO), in response to its concern about the
exploitation of indigenous workers, adopted the Convention Concerning
Protection and Integration of Indigenous and other Tribal and Semi-Tribal
Populations in Independent Countries of 1957 (No. 107). This incorporated a
strong assimilationist position and consequently was the subject of growing
opposition which eventually lent to it being revised and the adoption by the ILO
of Convention Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (No. 169), in June
1989. It should be noted that the dissatisfaction with the ILO 107 led, in 1982,
to the United Nations setting up the Working Group on Indigenous Peoples
(WGIP) under the United Nations Human Rights Commission. The WGIP is
drafting a declaration of the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples and takes
537
representations from indigenous peoples/nations. This contrasts with the ILO
which only has representation from employers, unions and the ILO.
Understandably, there is dissatisfaction that indigenous people did not have
direct representation in this process.
In order for the convention to be applicable in Australia it has to be ratified by the
Australian Federal Government. This process may take many years, though the
convention must be tabled in Federal Parliament by December 1990. Ratification
entails both State and Federal approval but does not require direct consultation
and ratification by Aboriginal people. Some of the difficulties with ILO 169, as a
revision of ILO 107, include: (1) its failure to remove assimilation completely
from the convention; (2) it concerns indigenous people but does not convey them
rights; (3) and rights that are referred to are collective and not individual; (4) it
fails to address the concerns of Aboriginal people regarding self-determination,
cultural integrity, land rights and discrimination.
In the next section I consider the Community Development Employment
Programme. This programme is a matter that was raised with me at a number of
conferences, primarily in the northern and eastern parts of the State. The
programme was also the focus of extensive research within my Commission.
11.1.4 Community Development Employment Programme
As noted throughout this Chapter, the matter of employment continues to be a
complex and contentious one. Given that the Community Development
Employment Programme (CDEP) affects so many Aboriginal people in this State,
and it falls within the parameters of being both complex and contentious, in the
following section I consider both the positive and negative aspects of this
programme. Initially, I turn to a discussion of some of the concerns my
Commission has had put before it in the way the programme is implemented and
administered. At the end of this Section, I consider how the programme could be
more productively applied to Aboriginal communities in particular settings.
538
The primary policy mechanism for achieving equity according to documentation
produced through ATSIC is Aboriginal Employment Development Policy
(AEDP). In discrete communities the programme mechanism is Community
Development Employment Programme (CDEP). In Western Australian there are
49 communities on CDEP, involving at least 4,000 Aboriginal people (ATSIC
response to RCIADIC Question 15). The reality of this programme is that
Aboriginal people are required to work for their unemployment entitlements. It is
also worth noting here that people on CDEP do not show up in employment
figures regularly released by the Commonwealth Employment Service as
'unemployed': Rather, they show up as 'employed' thus serving to mask the
serious nature of Aboriginal unemployment.
The basis of CDEP is the use of unemployment entitlements as wages for the
purpose of 'developing' a community. The aggregate of entitlements in any
given CDEP community is the total wage pool. There is an additional 20%
oncost factor for administration and equipment. However that 20% is not
supposed to be used as a wages top up. The crucial factor here, is that if the
hourly rate of pay is based on award rates and some people are able or inclined to
work more hours than the equivalent of their unemployment entitlement, then
there will be a shortfall, or someone will receive less than their basic entitlement.
It is with this concept that the unemployment entitlement suddenly becomes a
wage, and the confusion regarding this scheme starts. CDEP cannot provide a
full week's 'wage' for anyone on a community without depriving someone else
of their entitlement. The reason for this is that a community receives only the
sum of the total unemployment entitlement for the number of eligible people
living in the community. There are 'on cost support' monies, however these are
only to be used for administrative expenses and the purchase of equipment.
The following commentary is based on the ATSIC Manual for Community
Development Employment Programme and Aboriginal Enterprise Incentive
539
Scheme (AEIS) March 1990. The Manual is not well numbered, therefore
references are not always available and numbers vary.
Policy objectives
The objective of CDEP is to undertake community development activities where
there are no alternative employment prospects. If Aboriginal communities were
treated in the same manner as rural Australian towns, they would receive Grants
Commission funding based on equitable formulas, to provide essential services
for community operation. These would cover Municipal Utilities, Sport and
Recreation, Social Welfare Services and Administration, and the people
providing these services would be paid award wages. The reality is that this
municipal type funding is termed for Aboriginal communities in West Australia
'Community Infrastructure Funding' which is allocated by ATSIC.
There is a statement in Appendix 11 on p.62 of the Manual that reads: 'CDEP
communities should be able to provide normal local government services and
have sufficient award positions funded for these, without needing to rely on
CDEP funding .. .'. This is not a reality for many communities, and like a
number of hard realities for Aboriginal communities it is often by-passed in the
consciousness of policy makers by saying that it 'should' occur.
The stated goals of CDEP
(i) Ongoing employment: This raises the question of how 'employment' is
defined. To most Australians it means a thirty seven hour week for Award
wages, doing constructive and useful work.
(ii) Improvement of communities' social, cultural and economic life: Specific
planning for this improvement requires people being aware of their
options, resources and rights.
540
(iii) Cater for specific interest groups: It is difficult to assess the extent to
which this occurs successfully. In a recent project evaluation fonn, the
only comment in relation to the project catering for women's issues was
'although funds may not be allocated to specific women's projects, women
are the direct beneficiaries of the project through wage payments'. Much
therefore depends on the primary motivation of participants and
administrators. If the prime purpose of the scheme is to pretend to provide
people with wages instead of individual unemployment entitlement
cheques, then it is not an issue. However, if the scheme is run according
to a carefuiiy devised development plan then the individual and special
interest projects are of considerable importance. In the Evaluation fonns
thus far sighted by this Commission there is no substantial indication of
specific interest groups' particular advancement.
(iv) Assist overall development goals: If communities had overaii plans and
goals then the above would be acceptable. However, the reality is that few
do so according to the CDEP Review of Funding and Administration
(Table 1, 1990).
(v) Participate in community management, administration and decision
making: This aspect requires the comprehensive training component that
appears to be totally lacking (Project Evaluation fonns Port Hedland,
Kalgoorlie ).
(vi) Development of skills towards commercially viable enterprises: To
achieve this requires again a training component, and a responsiveness to
initiatives as well as level of empathy, vision and practicality on the part of
government officials and Community Advisors.
The training component is usually funded by DEET. How DEET and ATSIC
and Aboriginal people in the community interact, is crucial to the effective
running of CDEP.
541
Strategies
'CDEP is to be utilised where there are adequate infrastructure and skills for
project management.' This first premise for the operation of CDEP already
poses an almost impossible stricture on its operation. There are few CDEP
communities in Western Australia whose members have all the necessary skills
for the administration of their own finances, essential services and employment
operations. Most communities are comprised of people for whom English is a
second language. They are dependent either on unskilled or on non-Aboriginal
administrators. The latter are often of good will and intention, but not always
adequately qualified or skilled.
The employment of these administrators is designated as the Council's
responsibility and often the procedures for employment are carried out
inconsistently. References are often not checked and judgements made on
superficial contact or because someone is considered 'a good bloke'. Very few
councillors have had any real training in staff selection or interview skills, and
there is no recognised or even incidental career structure in community
administration. The reality of working conditions in communities is often not
apparent or explained to applicants for such jobs.
There is also a substantial variation between the salaries and conditions for the
non-Aboriginal workers in a community and the locals on CDEP. The average
daily rate for administrators, teachers and health workers is in the vicinity of
$100 a day, whereas on CDEP the average weekly rate is $100.
There is little cohesion or compatability of administrative systems or sharing of
resources and experience between communities or organisations except by
occasional chance personal encounters. A prime example of this is the
introduction of computer systems to Resource Agencies and organisations.
A TSIC have IBM based systems. In one region of the State two of the primary
542
resource agencies in the area have installed computers based respectively on
UNIX and MACINTOSH. This means that data cannot be shared or accessed
without expert operators. This sort of issue is crucial for communities in remote
areas who have limited resources.
Owing to the lack of administrative skills, and in many communities a dearth of
people who have little more than primary level standard of literacy, it is not
always possible for community council members to adequately supervise
employees, because they are not aware of (i) the rules in relation to finance, and
(ii) the options in terms of management and accounting structures. Therefore,
although councils are formed, the reality is that the administrators continue to
hold the power because they understand the 'system'. A significant example of
this situation was presented to my Kalgoorlie conference in relation to the
employment processes for a community in that region:
CDEP monies are divided into two sections; money, and the other is money for employment. The paid jobs vary. Most of them have very little impact upon the community. They involve driving a tractor around the community. There are dangers and generalization because in fact that doesn't happen in all communities but it certainly happens in most. In terms of decision-making I attended Ngaanatjarra Council meeting where the administrator of the council put before the council the CV s of two people for a particular job and that job was a community nurse with special responsibility. Now he said that there had been a number of people applied for the job, however he had selected the CVs of two people. One was a nurse called Sister*** who had worked in the communities and everybody knew. And the second was a nurse from Victoria. The community made the decision to employ the nurse they knew. The field officer who was with me at the time thought that was
very strange because he had been speaking to Sister*** two or three weeks beforehand and she had told him that she had been employed by the council. Now this may be a cynical view but it is my view that effectively the council selected two ends of the spectrum. The Aboriginal people made a choice but the choice
they made was based on very limited information. Now I don't suggest that there is any sort of conspiracy there but I believe that is the way the council is operated [RCIADIC Transcript in confidence, 1990: 105 -1 07] .
543
When there is mismanagement on the part of the administration it is blamed on
the Council's lack of ability to supervise. It is then the Council's lack of skill
which is acknowledged. However, it appears that little is being done by the
responsible funding bodies to increase the Council's awareness of their rights
and responsibilities. A very clear example of this lack of accountability,
supervision and inconsistent administration is the allocation of $85,000 in the
1988-89 budget to the *** Community. The money was allocated under the
Aboriginal organisations training scheme. This money was specifically allocated
for the education and training of Council Members in the five major communities
near ***. The money was designated in the 1988 financial year, an
advertisement was placed in newspapers by the administrator of*** Community
in March 1990, calling for expressions of interest from consultants to do
Community Development Plans for the five places. Consultants from Perth,
who were expected to prepare their own terms of reference, were appointed in
July 1990. The original purpose of the funds i.e. the education of Councillors
appears to be sometimes forgotten or put aside. Discussion with Council
members and individuals in these communities reveals that few people appear to
have any idea why the consultants are there and what they are actually doing.
This situation therefore raises questions which have been difficult to find
adequate answers for, such as: (i) who is supervising the work of the
consultants; (ii) will further monies be allocated for the education of Council
members when this was the original purpose of this allocation; (iii) what will be
the use of any plans drawn up by the consultants if the council and community
members are not aware of what they are doing; (iv) if the money is wasted, who
is responsible; (v) who bears the consequences of any mismanagement; (vi) what
is A TSIC or DEETS role after the allocation of these training monies to monitor
their expenditure.
The issue of individual income security does not appear to be a consideration in
the operation of this scheme. It would also seem to be presumed by the policy
makers that Aboriginal people have no need of a constant secure income. This
may be because policy makers have some inaccurate notion of kinship systems
544
that will operate to ensure everyone is treated equally. Kinship systems as noted
earlier, are often reciprocal therefore support must be returned in some way.
Additionally, it is usually essential to have access to motor transport to go fishing
or hunting to supplement resources, and hard currency is required for the use of
motor vehicles.
As indicated above there is some confusion regarding this Scheme because the
funds being used are unemployment entitlements. The first premise in operating
a CDEP should be that the individuals concerned are fully aware that they are
giving up their right to their unemployment entitlement. There are obvious
communication and clarification problems that require better explanations of the
Scheme. The lack of individual contact is aptly illustrated by an examination of
the 'Participant Schedules'. One such schedule from a major Kimberley
Community an hour's drive from a major town, has 145 participants. In the
Date of Birth column there are eleven people listed as being born in 1900. Is it
possible that eleven ninety year old people are out working for unemployment
entitlements? And why are they not on a pension?
Further, seventy nine participants have birthdays on the first of July or the first
of January. Thirty three of these have the year of birth after 1970 (Participant
Schedule DSS, July 1990). This would appear to indicate that even those born
in the last twenty years have not had their births registered, or if they have there
is difficulty accessing the correct information. The continuation of the colonial
practice of assigning birthdays to the first of January or July has overtones of
racehorses or breeding stock. If birthdates are not correctly established how are
people able to access their entitlements in terms of benefits for children, and
aged pensions. Unless the individual participants are fully cognisant of the
realities of the scheme, it does not have a rational and equitable foundation.
545
Project instructions
The first sentence in this section states project instructions are deliberately
flexible, to allow communities and groups to operate CDEP projects in a manner
best suited to their needs and aspirations. This 'flexibility' is a misleading term
as it allows for ad hoc methods of operation, but restricts the use of the funds in
a true developmental sense (see comments in the section on Project Activities). It
does not appear possible to complement CDEP funds with funding from other
sources (e.g. enterprises and other Government programmes to provide a full
wage for more workers).
The content of the Manual appears confused in this regard concerning whether
the funds are a 'wage' or a 'benefit'. If the funds were proper wages money,
the scheme would allow for a combination of funds either from other
government agencies or from the proceeds of commercial activities. (If this
occurred people would be entitled to earn a full week's pa)" or at least the
equivalent of award wages.) However because they are considered wages then
the restraints of receiving benefits are imposed. The prime example of this is the
confusion over CDEP participants eligibility to receive Family Allowance
Supplement (FAS). FAS is an income supplement for low income earners. If
CDEP is to be considered as a wage there is no question about the recipients
being entitled to the FAS supplement. This does not however appear to be a
widely utilised subsidy in Western Australian CDEP communities. The 1989
Review of CDEP shows that from a survey of Participant Schedules and DSS
computer records for twelve of the 49 communities on CDEP in this State, there
are 253 married couples. Of these, 189 are receiving Family Allowance but only
75 are receiving FAS. It would therefore appear that the take up of FAS is one
of the 'flexible' aspects of the scheme that is dependant on the knowledge and
initiative of local ATSIC officers or community administrators for utilisation. On
a percentage basis across the country, Western Australia has the lowest take up
rate- 45% for the Family Allowance Supplement.
546
The next set of points in the Project Instructions (p.4) is that the Community
Council or funded organisation is responsible for :
(a) Selecting Work Activities:
Selection of work activities cannot occur if a community is not
conversant with a variety of possible options. If people are not
aware that in mainstream society, rubbish collection, social and
recreation services are funded through other channels. If the
options in terms of at least subsistence if not commercial
production of foodstuffs, are not explored and considered then
people are not in a position to plan, utilise existing resources and
make informed decisions.
(b) Developing Policy On Wages Structure:
Wages policies and structures are matters that non-Aboriginal
Australians take for granted, they are a facet of daily life. The
union movement is an everyday part of life for sectors of
mainstream society. As noted earlier, this is not so for most
Aboriginal communities. They have come from a 'station work
for rations' system, or 'mission handout' background. As
observed earlier when award wages were introduced into the
cattle industry, Aboriginal people were forcibly moved off the
stations they had helped to build. Newspapers, television and
even radio are innovations. Most people would only see a
newspaper in passing when they come into town. They are
therefore, not informed about news of strikes, pay claims, wage
rises and conciliation and arbitration procedures. The adage that
'knowledge is power' is particularly apt when applied to the
current situation of Aboriginal people in isolated communities.
Their access to knowledge of how the 'system' works is
extremely limited and often appears to have no relation to the
reality oflife on a community.
547
(c) Planning and administering work activities and keeping
appropriate records; and (d) Maintaining an accurate schedule of
participants and keeping the Regional Office informed of
changes.
The next part of the Programme Instructions state that 'Officers and communities
must make every effort to ensure that CDEP does not provide a means by which
Governments, departments or agencies reduce or fail to provide funds or
services for which they are responsible'. This historical statement cannot
possibly be enforced because people are not always aware of their rights or how
the system works, and they are not in a position to claim or take a stand with
funding agencies or government agencies. General evidence of this is found in
an examination of funding on a regional basis throughout the State. Where there
is a high uptake of CDEP funding the Community Infrastructure (CI) funding
decreases substantially. Conversely where there is little CDEP uptake the CI
funds appear to be greater (refer Chapter 7). Again this relates to the lack of
equity and formulas in the provision of services to communities and the lack of
information services. There follows in this same section a virtual repeat of a
statement from the strategic goals relating to the Regional Office of ATSIC,
ensuring that communities seeking CDEP funding have the 'administrative and
supervisory infrastructure and skills to manage CDEP projects'.
The Annual Reviews thus far sighted by this Commission present a discouraging
picture of their usefulness. In the P3 review form of one community the
reporting officer comments:
***has been on CDEP since its inception (5 years) but has yet to really run it efficiently. There is still much work to be done in areas of: basic understanding of CDEP by Council and participants alike ...
In Section 8(b) of the same P3 form, when reporting on the quality of
administrative and supervisory resources, one of the problems which was
548
identified during the previous year (a problem still in existence) was the 'lack of
individual time sheets and pay sheets'. These sheets, often determined by the
Chairman and another Council member, sometimes revealed that various people
were 'forgotten'. It is unlikely that non-Aboriginal people or organisations
would tolerate this situation.
Another observation that is repeated several times in the same P3 fonn is that
there was no funding or input from DEET in tenns of training for that twelve
month (1988-89) period. In section 9 of this same report the writer states that
DEET 'will be approached' to fund a mobile trainer. The sentence implies that
there is no security in terms of a positive response from DEET. The point to be
emphasised again is that although this community has been on the CDEP for five
years it is deemed still not to have a good basic understanding of the scheme. If
the resources for training are not being provided, there does not appear to be
much chance of an improvement in the situation.
Operational guidelines
The programme description prefacing this section states ' ... Because a CDEP
creates employment, it has the effect of removing eligibility for unemployment
benefits'. Therefore if an individual on a community or CDEP does not want to
participate in the scheme, but does require income maintenance in the fonn of an
unemployment entitlement, it is necessary for that person to go and live
elsewhere. Reasons for not wanting to participate in the scheme are not
necessarily, in fact very rarely, related to a persons inclination to work; indeed
the more industrially sophisticated a person is, the less likely he/she would be to
accept the inequitable and insecure conditions of CDEP.
An examination of participant schedules reveals that the weekly amounts paid are
invariably less than the basic entitlement. As noted earlier there is the problem in
some places of no time sheets and people being 'forgotten'. In some areas there
is not enough work and the allocation of work can depend on an individual's
549
relationship with the supervisor. In some places there are people employed on
full wages to do a specific job and others are expected to perform the same tasks
for CDEP 'wages'. This situation appears to occur frequently in schools and
clinics. It is in this area that people's level of ignorance in relation to industrial
matters is apparent. However industrial action as a solution on the part of an
Aboriginal community has no muscle. Who is really going to care if a group of
Aboriginal CDEP workers go on strike?
Programme guidelines
The introduction again stresses the 'flexibility' of the Scheme, and the emphasis
on community participation and decision making. It does not take cognisance of
people's lack of understanding of their options. It is stated that the CDEP
scheme does not alter an individual's right to apply for and, where entitled,
receive unemployment benefits (p.6). The key word here is 'where entitled',
given that on the previous page (p.5), it states: ... Because a CDEP creates
employment, it has the effect of removing eligibility for unemployment benefits.
Therefore if individuals are unhappy with the operation of the scheme and do not
have the political power or facility with the English language to express their
concerns, they have to leave their home and live elsewhere or simply put up with
the situation.
As noted earlier, in Western Australia there are 49 communities on CDEP.
Twenty seven of these have participant numbers between one and six hundred
people. The 1989 review of CDEP found that only two of the forty nine
communities had completed a community plan. These two communities have
participant rates respectively of 17 and 27. For the community with the
participant rate of 17, 1989 was their first year on CDEP. For the other it was
their second year of participation. Six communities indicated they were in the
process of 'planning' a 'Community Plan'. In the other thirty four communities
there was no reference to such a plan. Thirteen of the communities where there
550
was no plan have been on CDEP for more than five years. Seven of these
communities have been on CDEP for more than nine years.
On page 8 of the Manual, under 'project activities', there is a reference to CDEP
resources being used to assist with income generating activities providing that
'profits created ... are only used ... to top up the wages of the activities of CDEP
employees or as payments to increase incentive'. This is the only reference in
the document to the possibility of 'topping up' wages, even though it would
appear to be the most practical way of developing projects that would, in the long
term, ensure social justice, provide industrial equity, contribute to the
development of a stable economic base and provide a just and appropriate
incentive for people to work.
The last part of the Programme Activities section indicates that the primary
responsibility for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander enterprises rests with
ATSIC and DEET. These two government departments appear to have
significant control of primary Aboriginal funding. Effective coordination of the
various programmes and development activities should not therefore be too
difficult to achieve.
The last paragraph indicates that when a 'work programme' is designed it should
fit into the immediate and long term goals of the 'Community Development
plan'. As mentioned above, only two very small communiti es out of forty five
in Western Australia have Community Development Plans.
The next section deals with pay rates, where it is observed that work must be
paid at award rates or equivalent. It does not mention the number of hours to be
worked. Generally speaking the minimum adult hourly rate is in the vicinity of
$8 per hour. The current base benefit rate is $141.40 per week. Therefore if
there is to be any equity of income in a community, people would only be
required to work for seventeen hours a week or three hours a day. This is
however a generous estimate because of the significant numbers of participants
551
under the age of twenty one and seventeen. For these age groups the base level
of benefit decreases rapidly. It is here again that the 'flexibility' of the scheme
comes to the fore in generating confusion. Whilst the manual says that work
should be paid at an award rate, an officer of DSS indicated that the converse
was the practice, viz, that people are paid at their age and status entitlement rate.
The Participant schedules sighted by this Commission, show that a married
couple at 3 July 1990 were entitled to $247.40 per week. A single person over
twenty one was entitled to $161.11 per week. Twenty one year olds were
entitled to $137 per week. Nineteen/twenty year old participants were entitled to
$112.15 and seventeen year olds to $64.60. If work is paid for at an hourly
rate, and the rates are set according to age, then for a twenty hour week, a
seventeen year old would be paid $3.23 per hour and a married man $12.37 per
hour. If award wages are paid equally across age groups a married man with
dependants would have to work four times as many hours as the single
seventeen year to attain his basic unemployment entitlement. If more hours are
worked by individuals whose entitlements are less, then some people are
receiving considerably less than their entitlement under unemployment
entitlements. In order to attempt to clarify this situation the Department of Social
Security in Broome was approached. The response is detailed as follows:
[a] married man is paid at the married mans rate i.e. higher hourly rate. If the wife does work her husband is still paid at the married rate and her earnings are extra. Ques: how does that work out in terms of equity for other workers given the total pool of money is the aggregate of entitlements--isn't someone likely to miss out? Resp: all live in extended family, no one is really depriving anyone else, it's up to the bookkeeper to see everyone is treated fairly [Broome DSS officer, 25 July 1990].
The view that Aboriginal people live in an extended family, and thus should all
support each other despite the inappropriateness of government policies and
administrations is difficult to comprehend. A some what different picture was
presented by Mrs H.E. Thomas in Kalgoorlie:
552
You see a lot of them over there at Nanny Goat Hill, most of them wouldn't get any income because a lot of them have been on that - what do you call it? The CDP or something - out at Coonana. Then when they come into town here they sort of hang around but they're still sort of on the roll out there. They can't get unemployment here until they have notified Coonana that they're finished; they don't want to be out there any more. Then they can apply for unemployment. Because of the waiting time at Social Security - going in there waiting, standing in a queue and
that they get bored very quickly and they want that attention straight away, to do their business and get out. So a lot of them don't do that and a lot of them out there will be walking around with no money in their pocket just depending on the ones that do get an income. And the feed they get - they go in and rob the Kentucky Fried bins, that's where they get thei r supper from
[RCIADIC O'Dea Commission Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:185].
In part (c) of the manual (p.lO), the development of clear policies in relation to
employment practices is advocated. Here there is the first reference to 'income
maintenance'. The term is mentioned again on p.11 in a sentence describing a
community's obligations in terms of payment. Comments such as these are
worthy of substantial assessment in the context of social justice, the purpose of
the DSS and the concept of income maintenance available to the wider society.
The ultra 'flexible' regulations detailed in this manual provide and, in effect,
often encourage mechanisms to deprive Aboriginal people of the subsistence
level of income made available to all Australians who are unable to find
employment. An Aboriginal field officer summarises the situation:
'the CDEP. Now, that's the Community Development Employment Programme and it's a good idea to make Aboriginal people work, but it's slave labour. These people are working picking up rubbish and, you know, they're sick and tired of picking up rubbish. They've got to do something constructive. Now, the thing is, to keep them in their communities, it's got to be consented to be there. As far as I'm aware, you've got
Aboriginal people working out there for their dole money. Now, as far as I'm aware of that CDEP, every quarter the amount of people that live out in that community, all their dole money is sent out frorri the start of the quarter and the number of the people that are there - that's the amount of dole money they get there. Now, these people are working for it, and if they don't work they miss a day or a week - they don't get paid at all or
553
they get $40 sit down money, which means, you know, they're either starving which creates the problem of: let's go and live in Kalgoorlie- Nanny Goat Hill- and let's go and sit down and get the dole cheque and we don't have to work picking up rubbish
[RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, June 1990:557].
A significant point to be aware of is that the use of this programme reduces
unemployment figures dramatically. In addition, the combined total of
unemployment entitlement moneys appears to be a substantial sum. The
Government does in fact claim that CDEP monies are part of the Aboriginal
Affairs budget. In Western Australia for the financial year 1988-89,
$63,657,825 was spent on Aboriginal Affairs.
In addition to the above, on p.ll of the manual it is noted that if an individual
participant chooses not to accept the work offered, or to work only a reduced
amount, then the community is only obliged to pay the individual according to
the actual work done, plus any income maintenance payment. Additionally, a
significant sub-section of section 2 is ATSIC Monitoring (p.13), where the terms
of reference for annual reviews and project evaluations are listed. In one part it
inquires whether CDEP is being used as a substitute by government agencies and
employment institutions, in order to avoid their various funding and other
responsibilities. This is a difficult aspect for ATSIC to assess, given that they
are the primary funding body to Aboriginal communities. This situation in itself
may be inappropriate. However there does not appear to be any 'court of appeal'
or mechanism for communities to tum to in order to access adequate funding to
bring their standard of living into accord with Social Justice Principles.
Communities do not have access to secure and constant sources of municipal
funding, and the very minimum of health and education services are provided by
the State in most places. Power, water and housing, in many instances, are
funded by the Commonwealth. Community support services and municipal and
recreation services and utilities are increasingly left to CDEP funded projects.
Further, on p.l3 of the Manual it is stated that corrective action will be taken in
respect of 'any criticisms and recommendations made'. In an earlier review, a
554
Pilbara CDEP community lists problems which were identified in the previous
year, and which were still in existence, as:
... no starting time or place identified .. . lack of individual time sheets and pay sheets (the Chairman and another Council determine who has worked and thus who gets paid) - this causes some problems when they forget people; - there are many who are getting paid for not working. This then is a disincentive to those who are working - the Council are trying to rectify this with the rule 'no work - no pay' but until point 2 is adhered to this will never work 100%; -lack of any identified work teams those that do work usually work as individuals; and - lack of any
supervisors except the Chairman - this puts stress on both the Chairman and the workers.
The above list of problems are severe from several perspectives. In general, the
terms of reference provide a comprehensive list of factors to be considered in the
evaluation of CDEP. However, such an evaluation can only be carried out by
individuals who take the task seriously, and attempt to come to terms with some
of the hard realities of the situation.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission responsibilities
The summary of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC)
responsibilities is contained in seven short points.
(a) Advice to communities on the operation of the scheme.
(b) Monitoring of participant information.
(c) Arranging timely release of funds.
(d) Liaison with DSS and AEDP agencies.
(e) Review of each CDEP.
(f) Acquittance of grants.
(g) Maintenance of the CDEP computer system including updated unemployment benefit rates.
555
The various issues discussed so far, raise serious questions about the quality of
(a) 'advice' given to the participating communities. It is this advice and its
quality on which the operation of CDEP hinges. The lack of basic understanding
of the scheme and poor quality administrative support has also been noted several
times. These issues relate specifically to (b) and (d). The AEDP agencies
referred to in (d) are DEET and the AAPA. We have been unable to find specific
evidence that there is ongoing systematic coordination with these agencies. In
one region the review forms indicate that DEET had no involvement at all over
the twelve month period. Fundamental issues have to be raised two years in
succession. The review process (e), evidence of which is contained in the P3
forms sighted by this Commission, does not appear to have any specific
usefulness. If the advice given to people is not adequate, then in my
Commission's view, the consequence is a serious miscarriage of justice against
both individuals and communities. There needs to be mechanisms put into place
whereby Aboriginal people can seek redress.
Provision of services and CDEP
The provision of services in some Aboriginal communities is supplemented by
the use of labour via the use of CDEP funds. In one northern Aboriginal
community the Health Department of Western Australia (HDW A) provides the
health services. This consists of a full time nurse and 1.5 Aboriginal Health
Workers (AHWs). There are an additional 4 AHWs employed under CDEP.
There conditions of employment are very different depending on the job
classification and the employer. The nurses are paid an availability allowance (the
equivalent of 25% of their salary) plus an on-call allowance. The AHWs
employed by the Health Department of Western Australia do not receive an on
call allowance nor an availability allowance nor does the Department provide for
relief for when the Health Workers are on leave. Even when that leave is
extended due to accumulated leave and taking leave with out pay. The AHWs
employed under CDEP are paid $7.68 per hour and regularly work up to
30 hours a week. The Health Department, until very recently, insisted that any
556
training provided to the CDEP AHWs be paid for by the community. After some
determined and prolonged advocacy, the Department has agreed to allow this
community's CDEP health workers access to on the job, and in-service style
training available to the Health Department of Western Australia AHWs. This is
on the basis that the health workers have first option at attendance, but there will
be no cost to the community.
It should be noted that the same community has 3 CDEP Environmental Health
Workers who do not have supervision, assistance or training from the HDWA
nurse. To quote the nurse, 'We concentrate on the health side of things!'
(RCIADIC Transcript in confidence, 1990).
Summary of CDEP
It is clear from the above that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders are the only
individuals in Australia currently working for unemployment entitlements. It is
also clear that Aboriginal town communities do not enjoy the same standard of
municipal services as are available to members of the wider community. Nor do
they have the security of funding in maintaining the existing minimum of
services. In addition, there is confusion in the guidelines created by considering
CDEP funds as wages for some purposes. and as a benefit for others, and there
is little evidence of adequate planning or monitoring of the Scheme.
Additionally, owing to the lack of administrative expertise in most Aboriginal
community councils, including those whose members may have English as a first
language, power over the finances of various communities is often in the hands
of outside administrators. In my Commission's view, it is not always possible
for community council members to properly supervise employees because they
are not aware of the rules in relation to finance and the options in terms of
management and accounting structures.
While putting forward certain criticisms of CDEP which have come before my
Commission, however, it is important as noted earlier, to also be aware that in
557
certain circumstances CDEP can be of value. For instance, as noted by Altman
(1990) and Coombs (1990), wisely used CDEP has the capacity to 'place
resources within the control of the communities themselves for the support of
activities chosen by them' (eg: support for traditional ties to the land; income
support for the production of art and craft; local transport services)
(correspondence from Coombs to RCIADIC, 15 August 1990). Further, as
clearly put in a recent report from Northern Australian Decelopment Unit
(NADU) (1990:9):
CDEP is clearly not the final chapter. The discussions with communities raised three key issues ... [these are]: the nature of work and training offered under CDEP; the equity of income distribution; and administrative arrangements ... While many people felt that CDEP had been an improvement on unemployment entitlements, it is clear that aspirations have been rising and there is a frustration at the 'sameness' of work under CDEP ... and the fact that working did not give them any noticeable increase in standard ofliving ... the central point is to provide reassurance to communities that CDEP as it now stands is not seen as the final step and to continue with efforts to link work with community development goals.
Bearing the above in mind, it is interesting to note, too, that ATSIC are currently
undertaking research in relation to the 'social and economic impact of CDEP on
Aboriginal communities' (see Weekend Australian Newspaper, 15 September
1990).
Essentially, while nothing can alter the fact that a large proportion of the adult
Aborigines in this State are currently being required to work for unemployment
entitlements, there may be significant ways in which CDEP can meet the real
interests and aspirations of Aboriginal people The critical challenge is how best
that might occur in a framework which encompasses the philosophy of
self-determination and economic development and opportunity. It is clear that
Aboriginal people are not in control of this Scheme, nor does it appear to allow
for their intervention in the modification of its objectives as it meshes with the
AEDP. For that matter, the officers who implement the policy seem to have had
558
more determination over outcomes, policy change and modification than the
Aboriginal people whose lives are directly influenced by this Scheme.
Education, also a critical matter in relation to economic development and work, is
the issue to which I now tum.
559
Chapter 12
LIMITED ACCESS TO EDUCATION
There is probably nothing in the history of this country which has promised and
denied so much to Aboriginal people than the education system. No other
institution has made more attempts to assimilate, socialise and continue the
process of colonisation. As Christie (1988: 18) notes:
White education is in some way the essence of the invasive aspects of our culture.
At the same time no other institution has issued so many reports or made so
many recommendations. People have been consulted, research projects initiated
and Aboriginal people have said many times what they want, but despite the
many proposals and suggestions over a number of years, it appears little has
been heard and much is still to be done.
Schooling, which is not necessarily the same as education, is a particularly
important and powerful socialising agent for non-Aboriginal society. It is the
normative way for introducing a child into myths, values, customs, philosophy
and history of western culture, ie. into its own very specific world view.
Aboriginal people, who traditionally never had 'schools', as they never had
'hospitals' or 'churches', have their own education system. Aboriginal children
were educated in the 'school' of their relations. They learned about their world
and that of their ancestors in the context of daily living. People learned as they
lived and they learned in order to live: there was no separate department or
compartment for 'school'.
Not only do Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people sometimes educate their
children and adults differently, but their ways of teaching and learning can also
560
be culturally different. One perspective is that an Aboriginal world view is
essentially interactional while that of the Western world is transactional.
Aboriginal people are more concerned with relating to the world, non-Aboriginal
people in changing the world. Another interpretation is that western culture is
specifically oriented towards industrial technology and the economy of the
capitalist system while Aboriginal culture is aimed at the reinforcing of unity and
harmony within relationships. Some educators argue that both cultures are
incompatible in the domains of education (eg: Sayers, 1988; Christie, 1985;
Harris, 1980, 1982, 1988, 1989).
From the perspective of Aboriginal people, education has served to explain and
justify aspects of western law. The definition of crime itself, laws, criminal
behaviour, restitution, correction, rehabilitation and punishment are all reinforced
in the schooling process. Apart from legal issues this is the way in which history
has been taught. It has been clearly shown that school curricula have influenced
the stereotypes which non-Aboriginal people today have of Aboriginal people
(cf. Morrison, Chaney, Sherwood and Jackson, 1982).
One of the non-Aboriginal assumptions about education is that schooling and
education are synonomous. However much learning is done outside of school
and perhaps at times not much learning is done inside school. Hence when
people talk of 'finishing school' they often think they are completing their
learning as well. A further assumption about education is that it is considered
'child business'. Adults work, drink and play football but children go to school
to learn. This is being overcome with the provision of more adult education but
it creates a problem for non-Aboriginal people in believing that learning can occur
outside a bUilding (e.g. health outside a hospital or religion outside a church).
It is not surprising that for many Aboriginal people school, and hence education,
is seen as 'white-fella' business. In 1986 the Census showed that in Western
Australia 'only 75 of Aboriginal respondents had post-school qualifications
561
compared with 32% of the total population', and this being with a group of
people of whom more than 60% were under 25 (Education Planning, 1990).
As a system aimed at giving people knowledge, and hence the ability to have
choices and power over their lives, education has failed the Aboriginal people of
this State. Something which was denied the people for years later became an
imposed obligation. Significantly, Aboriginal people were then blamed for not
participating in a system which was foreign to them, which threatened to
assimilate them, over which they had no control nor which was seriously
prepared to adapt according to their needs. Despite all these difficulties,
Aboriginal people· have attempted over recent years to shape education into
something of value for themselves: setting up independent schools, enclaves
within tertiary institutions and courses particularly adapted to Aboriginal needs as
well as seeking a stronger say in educational decision making. It is quite clear
from RCIADIC meetings and conferences that many non-Aboriginal people do
not know how to improve the delivery of an education service to Aboriginal
people. However it is equally clear that some Aboriginal people do have very
specific ideas and proposals about how things can be improved.
What has become clear from my Commission's meetings and conferences is that
the issue and implications of education for Aboriginal people requires serious
consideration, both by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. Many Aboriginal
people have spoken about their desire for their children to learn traditional skills
and those necessary for living in non-Aboriginal society. However many are
also not aware of how education has changed in the past twenty years, of the
valuable initiatives in some areas, the choices they can make or the various
options available for their own education.
12.1 Historical perspective
As the Western Australian Aboriginal Education Consultative Group (W AAECG)
Report (1987) noted very little has been published about the history of education
562
as it affects Aboriginal people in Western Australia (W AAECG, 1987:8). Not
only are many people unaware of how the policies and treatment of the past affect
Aboriginal people today, but also how Aboriginal people now see education
affecting themselves. As indicated elsewhere in the report, since colonisation in
1829 the policies affecting Aboriginal people have. caused dislocation and
destabilisation and have failed to address real needs and aspirations. Education is
no exception.
For many years Aboriginal people were not considered capable of receiving
education and for some period of time were actually excluded from
government schools (WAAECG, 1987:9; RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990). Then they were only allowed to be educated up to grade 3 level
(RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990). It was not until 1949 that Aboriginal
children were first generally allowed into the schools of Western Australia
(W AAECG, 1987:8) and in the 1960s it was largely at missions that Aboriginal
people received any education.
Some important dates regarding education are:
1905 The 'Aboriginal Act' gave the responsibility of educating Aboriginal children to the 'Aborigines' department.
1911 Two systems of education existed. One centralised for non-Aborigines and the other without direction and relevancy operated for Aborigines.
1919 The Education Department was firmly committed to the policy: 'if non-Aboriginal parents objected to admission of Aboriginal students, then Aboriginal students must be excluded.'
1932 A Conference of affiliated Parents and Citizens Associations in Perth moved that the regulation 85 of the Education Act should apply throughout the State. The Education Department supported the resolution and the right of the Minister to expel Aboriginal children whose presence might be considered injurious to the 'health, welfare and morality of other children.'
1940 Aboriginal children were admitted to Government schools but only if they met the required standards of health and hygiene. The consideration that Aboriginal children were only educable to
563
the 3-5 levels were influenced by the belief that as a race they were dying out.
1945 The Teacher's Union at their annual conference moved for special schools with trained teachers for Aboriginal children and also the introduction of a special curriculum.
1950s The time when attempts were made to assimilate the Aboriginal person totally into white society [O'Brien, 1989].
In the 1960s education was seen by members of various interest groups as
offering some hope to Aboriginal children who were presented with a mixture of
the 'civilizing' virtues of non-Aboriginal values and customs with Christianity.
They were taken into homes, hostels or dormitories where they would spend the
majority of their child and adolescent years. Here they were taught the basic
'3Rs' with girls then being directed into domestic work and boys into rural
employment. No formal education was offered to Aboriginal adults, and
Aboriginal children were not considered capable of higher academic
achievements. Dormitories continued in some parts of the State into the early
1970s.
In the history of this State, schools have been used for a variety of reasons as
government and churches considered best. The legacy is that many Aboriginal
children experience and continue to experience school negatively. The
phenomena of children 'opting out', truanting or leaving school at an early age
provide a sense of 'failure' and a felt inadequacy to change the environment
which people are facing. This has the effect of both lowering their self esteem
and also preventing them from being able to deal with the pressures and values of
mainstream white society.
Within the past decade there have been a number of both State and Federal
reports concerned with Aboriginal Education. The House of Representatives
Report (1985) indicated that Aboriginal education was characterised by:
⢠lower levels of access;
⢠lower levels of achievement;
564
⢠lower retention rates, particularly at secondary school; and
⢠often inadequate or inappropriate curricula' [Aboriginal Education, 1985: 21].
This was followed by the WAAECG Report, 'The Aboriginal Voice in
Education' (1987), the first report to offer a comprehensive Aboriginal
perspective on education in Western Australia.
In October 1989 the Commonwealth launched the National Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander Education Policy (AEP), a policy in response to the Hughes
Report, The Report of the Aboriginal Education Policy Task Force, 1988 . In
February 1990 there was also published by DEET a discussion paper 'A Fair
Chance For All', on the issue of National and Institutional Planning for Equity in
Higher Education. The Commonwealth AEP Policy had four main purposes:
(1) to ensure Aboriginal involvement in educational decision making;
(2) to provide equality of access for Aboriginal people to education services;
(3) to raise the rates of Aboriginal participation in education to those for all Australians;
(4) to achieve equitable and appropriate educational outcomes for Aboriginal people.
The significance of this national policy is that it is 'the first policy formally
endorsed by any National Government .. . because it responds to the call of the
Aboriginal Education Policy Task Force for a concerted national effort' (Barlow,
1989), although we have yet to see whether it will be any different from the
policies of the 1960s. The principal words in this new national policy, as also
contained in the DEET discussion paper, are involvement and equitable.
Aboriginal people are to be involved more 'in educational decision making' to
ensure 'equitable and appropriate educational outcomes' (AEP, 1989). The
policy seeks more involvement of Aboriginal people in the education system, not
565
necessarily by offering more independence, authority or power over educational
issues (such as education policy, curriculum, employment of teachers etc.) but
by being more 'involved' in decision making. The equitable outcome, such as
retention rates and access to schools, will be that which non Aboriginal people
achieve. Hence Aboriginal education will, at least as defined by outcome, be no
different from non Aboriginal education. And non-Aboriginal people will
continue to control and define such outcomes.
One view of this National Policy, which has been put to this Commission, is that
education, under the guise of achieving equality for Aboriginal people, ultimately
seeks assimilation. Hence Aboriginal people are being offered what appears an
equitable solution but ultimately not an equal one (Coombs, 1990). As Barlow
(1989: 13) points out 'Aboriginal and Islander people have made it very clear that
they do not necessarily seek the same outcomes from education as do, say, the
upper middle class white Anglo-Australians in Toorak or Potts Point - though
they may'.
Hence my Commission has difficulties in reconciling this National Educational
Policy with the aspirations of Aboriginal people and their expressed education
needs. Obviously improvement in the outcome of Aboriginal people in the
education system is urgently needed. Resources available to Aboriginal people
are also urgently needed to attain these outcomes. That the final criterion of this
outcome be what non-Aboriginal people are achieving is at least questionable and
assimilationist, although this report recognises that for some Aboriginal people
that will be what they want.
Finally there is the Equal Opportunity Commission Report, Second Review of
the Provision of Public Education in Western Australia (1990), following on its
first Report in 1987. It revealed that the education situation in Western Australia
requires urgent action. It highlighted:
a considerable level of frustration with 'empty promises' ... the lack of perceptible action ... no tangible results [see also:
566
McConnochie, 1982; Sherwood, 1982; Fitzgerald, 1984; WAAECG, 1987; Equal Opportunity Commission, 1990].
12.2 Issues from deaths in custody
Whether education is referred to in its more restricted meaning, as being related
to schooling, or in its larger meaning, of being related to learning as a positive
influence in a person's life, education is largely absent from the life stories of
those who died in custody. Rather than providing a means of being socialised
into either Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal society, education seems to have been
more of a 'de-socialising' experience (cf. Capp, 1988).
A number of those who died in custody spent their earlier lives in the care of
people other than their family, in institutions, hostels and missions, and generally
suffered the experience of being dislocated from their family and community at
an early age. For example Robert Anderson spent his early years in the
dormitory at Wiluna Mission, and was then removed from his family for some
years to board at Karalundi mission school: he left school at the age of fifteen.
Bobby Bates was taken from his mother at thirteen and put into Hillston Hostel.
Nita Blankett was placed by her mother at the age of five to live at Roelands
Mission. Albert Dougal was removed from his parents and taken to Beagle Bay
at the age of nine. Paul Farmer went to Tambellup Mission at the age of ten.
Mission education was one to two hours per day and the education department
was critical about him learning traditional ways. He was given an exception
when he failed to attend school. Christine Jones was taken from her parents at
the age of two and brought up at the Church of Christ Mission at Carnarvon: no
education was provided. At the age of eleven months Wongi was admitted into
the care of the department and later to the Church of Christ Mission at Norseman,
where he attended school. Benjamin Morrison was educated at New Norcia
Catholic Mission from the age of five until twelve. Steven Michael was
committed into the care of the Child Welfare Department at the age of one and
admitted to Marribank Mission. Kim Polak came from Mount Margaret Mission
and spent much of his early life in hostels.
567
Schooling does not appear to have been a significant, valuable or lengthy
experience. Stanley Brown was illiterate and worked at De Grey Station from
the age of nine until thirty two. Daryl Garlett was educated at the local State
school but left to work as a farm labourer. Bernard McGrath attended North
Kalgoorlie Primary School where he truanted, was suspended twice and seen by
school authorities to have 'behavioural problems'. Corporal punishment was
regularly administered but had no effect. Jimmy Njanji neither spoke nor
understood English. Robert Walker, had problems at school at the age of 14
because of his involvement in Aboriginal issues, such as the Tent Embassy (see
e.g. Langton, 1983, for pictorial comment on the Tent Embassy) and land rights.
Whatever schooling those who died in custody may have had, most of it was
associated with institutionalisation. Several were brought up in dormitories on
missions where there were great variations in the amount and quality of education
offered. For some, schooling was interrupted because of family movements,
parental separations or inability of parents to care for them. In a number of cases
the person was offending at an early age and was taken into institutional care.
Very few achieved high levels at school and even fewer would seem to have
found education as something which could help their lives. For most of those
who died in custody, if not all, education was not an experience which provided
them much confidence, hope or belief in themselves or a future with meaning.
12.3 Retention rates
Retention rates, that is the rates by which Aboriginal people participate in the
various educational processes, are but one way of examining how Aboriginal
people are being affected by the present education system. However one of the
difficulties in establishing clear retention rates for Aboriginal children in Western
Australian schools is that the figures upon which such estimates are based are not
reliable. For example, in 1986, there was a significant discrepancy in the
recorded numbers of Aboriginal students in Western Australian secondary
568
schools. Statistics given by the Schools and those with Abstudy differed by
11%. The difference between Schools and ABS statistics was 38% (Educational
Planning, 1990). However in that year the lowest rates of Aboriginal students
participating in the schooling processes were in the Northern Territory and
Western Australia, with Western Australia demonstrating the lowest rate of all
states in the 16-17 year age group.
Table 12: State and Territory Differences in Aboriginal Participation Rates in School and T AFE, 1986
NSW VIC QLD SA WA TAS NT ACT AUS
SCHOOL
5-9 Years 89.1 84.5 79.4 82.7 76.4 87.8 71.8 94.2 80.9
10-15 84.5 82.8 84.8 82.5 80.2 90.6 78.4 91.5 83.1
16-17 27.9 33.2 31.8 23.7 17.1 18.2 23 .2 35.4 26.3
TAFE
16-17 6.7 6.2 2.2 8.0 4.8 16.8 1.8 6.3 4.8
18-20 6.2 6.6 2.3 6.5 2.8 6.6 2.1 10.1 4.0
21-24 3.8 3.0 1.3 4.0 3.0 3.8 1.1 8.5 2.6
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1986 Census of Population and Housing, Quoted in the Report of the Aboriginal Education Policy Task Force, 1988.
There also do not seem to be detailed figures which indicate how many
Aboriginal children are not at school or who miss early years or substantial
periods of schooling. It has been said that nationally one in eight Aboriginal
children aged 5 to 9 years do not go to school or pre-school (quoted in Walton,
1990:3). In the Northern Territory it has been estimated that in the homelands,
up to 80% of children are without access to schooling (ibid:4) and while there are
less outstations or homelands in Western Australia, it would be reasonable to
expect that there are a significant number of Aboriginal students of compulsory
age in Western Australia who do not have access to schooling. Educational work
569
being done by Dr Nugget Coombs and Helen McCann with the Pitjantjatjara
people indicates that in Central Australia:
there were at least 88 children aged between 3 & 16 years who had no access to school programmes in the place of preferred living by their families [Submission to RCIADIC from H.C. Coombs, 1990].
In Western Australia the general participation rate of Aboriginal students in
secondary education is lower than in primary schooling:
According to data from the 1986 census, the education participation of Aboriginal children in Western Australia aged 5-9 years is only 87 per cent, and the participation of Aboriginal children aged 10 to 15 years is only 81 per cent. This compares with education participation rates of and close to 100 per cent for non-Aboriginal children in these age groups [quoted in Ministry of Education response to RCIADIC questions, 1990].
What is clear also is that the retention rates of Aboriginal students in Western
Australia to Year 12 have been extremely low for many years, even when
compared with Aboriginal retention rates in other states. In 1979 not only was
the Western Australian percentage of those who had reached Grade 12 the lowest
of all states, 5.8% (only the Northern Territory being lower with 3.9%), but
most states with the exception of Victoria, showed increases over the following
five years, 1979-84. Queensland, South Australia and the Northern Territory
showed almost 100% increases over that five year period whereas the Western
Australian rate actually decreased from 5.8% to 5.4% (WAAECG, 1987).
State Ministry figures, pointing to the retention rates in Western Australia11
government schools, indicate a growth in retention rates from 2.8% in 1982 to
9.9% in 1989 (figures provided by the Ministry to the RCIADIC, 1990). Other
figures, a combination of both government and non-government schools, reveal
a growth from 9.9% in 1986 to 10.7% in 1989 with the addition of
non-Government schools apparently increasing the percentage of those reaching
Grade 12 (figures provided by the Ministry to the RCIADIC, 1990). Whichever
570
group of statistics one takes, the retention rate of Aboriginal students to Grade 12
in Western Australia, while gradually increasing over the past decade, is still
extremely low, particularly if one compares it with the non Aboriginal retention
rate in 1989 of 56.4% (figures provided by the Ministry to the RCIADIC, 1990).
It is also significant to note that in Queensland in 1989 45% of students on
Abstudy continued into Year 12, compared with a Queensland statewide figure of
64% (AITAP, 1990). In 1979 the retention rate of Aboriginal students in Grade
12 in Queensland had been 11.4% (W AAECG, 1987). Queensland, which had a
rate in 1979 approximately twice that of Western Australia, ten years later has a
rate approximately four times.
The retention rates of Nyoongah students from the south of Western Australia
showed that, for the Southern Region in 1989, the retention rates for Aboriginal
students was just over 10%, compared with non-Aboriginal students of 40-50%
(Katijin, 1989). In 1988 only 13 students throughout the southwest reached
Year 12, in some schools the retention rate was 0% (T AFE, Great Southern
Regional College, 1989). The difference between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal
retention rates was especially noticeable for the later school years. In the
southern area only four Aboriginal students had passed Year 12 in the past seven
years (Fighting for Rights, 1990: 19).
In 1990 a Report to the Australian Research Council examined the 'participation,
retention and achievement of Aboriginal students in secondary mathematics'.
(Malone et al, 1990). Of a group of 9000 examinees in 1988 who sat the Tertiary
Entrance Examination in mathematics in Western Australia only 19 were
Aboriginal students (ibid). The findings of this report were:
(a) high absentee rates among many Aboriginal students that severely hampers continuity of conceptual development in daily lessons. Extended family contacts provide social havens and sanction absence from school.
(b) Eurocentric (Western or European) school policies which ignore Aboriginal children's needs for bicultural education. For example, non-observance of National Aboriginal Week.
571
(c) classroom teaching that socially isolates and 'batch processes' Aboriginal students with little regard for their individual abilities, learning needs and future aspirations, and which fails to recognise that social influences have a major influence on students learning.
(d) unduly critical teacher attitudes that tend to blame the Aboriginal child for failing to respond to standard teaching approaches.
(e) a 'cultural-communications' barrier between the school and home that prevents a well informed, cooperative approach to resolving student behavioural problems.
(f) a poorly resourced unit curriculum, in Western Australia, especially for non-academic classes, that results in teachers using learning materials that are unsuitable for many Aboriginal children [Malone et al, 1990].
12.4 Aboriginal perspectives
In 1979 Stephen Albert, the first Chairman of the National Aboriginal Education
Committee, said that the role of Aboriginal people in education had changed
during the 1970s from consultation to involvement and was moving towards one
of responsibility (Hughes and Wilmott, 1982). The evidence which was put
before this Commission indicates that even the stage of consultation had not been
reached in many places.
Aboriginal people are, and have been for many years, unhappy about the
education system. They do not believe it meets their needs, they want to be
consulted about it and have some control over its delivery to their children. As
one Aboriginal person said: 'For many Aboriginal people, the education system
does not fit. It was designed for European people' (RCIADIC Submission, Kerr,
1990).
Resistance by Aboriginal people to non-Aboriginal education or schooling has
often been interpreted by non-Aboriginal people as a lack of interest by
Aboriginal people in their children's welfare, as being 'lazy' or 'uncaring'.
572
However Aboriginal people have been consistently clear as to what they want
and need from education (Beazley, 1984; WAAECG, 1987; Thies, 1987; Equal
Opportunity Commission, 1990). However, as one Government department
admitted, Aboriginal people have not had access to the power or control over the
education which has been affecting them:
although they believe in the value of Education, they don't know how to influence it, or where to go to find out about it [Submission to RCIADIC from Department of Education, Employment and Training, 1990].
The 1985 and 1987 Report: 'The Aboriginal Voice in Education' involved
consultation with Aboriginal people in Western Australia on a larger scale than
ever attempted before. This report is currently the most authoritative and accurate
report on Aboriginal Education in Western Australia. The report concluded:
The picture is not bright ... We believe that the word 'crisis' is not too strong to describe the present situation [W AAECG: 13].
The W AAECG study of 1987 found that:
Nearly all Aboriginal adults express[ed] a strong desire for their children to succeed in school. On the other hand, Aboriginal people are neither willing nor able to discard their culture and language. On the contrary, they desire a situation wherein their
Aboriginality is recognised, accepted and valued by mainstream society, its schools and other institutions [WAAECG: Appendix].
It would seem that despite the recommendations which have been made for
many years there has been a failure by Commonwealth and State
Governments and of Catholic Education to adequately respond to the
aspirations and needs of Aboriginal people.
Most Aboriginal people are clear what they want from the education system.
They are insistent that their children need to be taught the 'Aboriginal way', with
their communities having their own schools, their own teachers and own
573
curriculum. They see it as necessary for teaching their children the important
things about Aboriginal life. They also see the value of non-Aboriginal education
in helping to overcome the intimidation they experience in dealing with people
who speak English, in being able to understand western law and answer back to
police, in standing up for their rights (RCIADIC Meetings, Roebourne,
11 October; Yamatji Ngura, 30 November; Eastern Goldfields, 5 December
1989; Fremantle, 27 January; Beagle Bay, 14 March; Djarindjin, 15 March; One
Arm Point, 16 March 1990).
Aboriginal adults are often conscious of the difficulties associated with being able
to say and get what they want from schools. And Aboriginal students talk of the
importance of being supported in school by their parents (RCIADIC Transcript,
Geraldton, April 1990:469). _
In 1987 the WAAECG (1987:14) saw itself as 'providing the leading advisory
role in implementing the package of policies recommended'. Today its role
needs to be strengthened and expanded, so that Aboriginal people through
regional committees can take more than an advisory role in setting the directions
of Aboriginal education in this State. The W AAECG needs to be able to
negotiate with educational authorities the priorities and principles which
Aboriginal people wish to set for the future.
12.5 Non-Aboriginal perspectives
In the past non-Aboriginal people have not acknowledged that they have much to
learn from Aboriginal people. Nor have they seen that where there are problems
with Aboriginal children in schools that it is the non-Aboriginal education system
which needs examination. Christie (1988) observes:
The major stumbling block for meaningful development has been the reluctance of white educators to critically examine the invasive .assumptions of formal education, and their refusal to acknowledge that they can learn anything important from
Aboriginal people, their refusal to pay more than lip service to the
574
aim of learning to speak and understand Aboriginal languages, and their assumption that learning about aspects of Aboriginal culture, tradition, nature, commitment, power etc. is just a fringe interest to be pursued in one's spare time. Quite simply, most white educators cannot commit themselves to the idea that they have anything really meaningful to learn from Aboriginal people.
Throughout the investigation and research of the RCIADIC non-Aboriginal
people stated that the education which is presently being offered to Aboriginal
people needs to be changed and improved. They spoke of the vast problems in
the present education system; of it 'failing' them, of being 'wrong', unable to
cope with their needs, being 'irrelevant', like a 'conveyo r belt' which provides a
final unhealthy and hopeless situation (RCIADIC Meetings, Port Hedland ,
10 October; Laverton, 4 December; Eastern Goldfields, 7 December; Leonora,
8 December; Kalgoorlie, 8 December 1989).
Many non-Aboriginal people, parents, teachers and principals have commented
about issues which relate to the failure of education to assist Aboriginal children:
the poor health, hygiene, nutrition and hearing difficulties of some children, lack
of resources for study at home, a lack of support or interest in the school by
parents, and a lack of contact between the school and parents, mixed messages
from home and at school. These factors are compounded by an often irregular
attendence at school or a mobility between schools by students. Alcohol use in
the home also affects children's ability to learn (Submissions to RCIADIC from
East Carnvaron Primary School, Carnarvon Education Support Centre,
Rangeway Primary School, O'Connell, Stella Maris College, 1990; RCIADIC
Transcript, Geraldton, April 1990:466).
A number of non-Aboriginal people commented about the inabili ty, inadequacy
and even an unwillingness by themselves and their schools to understand or deal
with present-day Aboriginal culture. In particular there was a recognition that
schools and teachers are ill-equipped in being able to communicate with
Aboriginal parents and in dealing with the experience of racism in a school.
Cases were mentioned of schools where 'we don't see too many of the
575
Aboriginal parents' but nothing was organised to try and change the situation
(RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, April1990:474).
It was also alleged in a submission to my Commission that 'Teachers frequently
have lower levels of expectation of Aboriginal students and students perform
accordingly' (Submission to RCIADIC from East Carnarvon Primary School,
1990). Aboriginal students often find themselves battling from an early age with
self esteem as they suffer the racism of fellow students or teachers. Not only can
anti-social behaviour develop when children have experienced being a 'failure' at
school, but a person who is unsuccessful at school can take from school a sense
of failure for life (RCIADIC Submissions from East Carnarvon Primary School,
Carnarvon Education Support Centre, Collins, Skillshare, Rangeway Primary
School, O'Connell, Kalgoorlie District Education Office, Pires, Department of
Education, Employment and Training, 1990). Group and family support is
particularly important at an early age if children are not to lose interest, and be
able to cope with living in another culture with its many accompanying problems
(RCIADIC Submission from Stella Maris College, 1990; RCIADIC Transcript
Geraldton, 1990:401).
The difficulties which underly the serious and significant differences between the
Aboriginal view of education and how the non-Aboriginal education system
largely operates, has been summarised as thus:
Timetabling and curriculum planning have established in white education a tradition that learning should be drawn out, homogenized, consistent, and long term with all the rhythms and responsiveness ironed out. We have almost got our educational planning to the stage where we can take a five year old and tell what s/he will be studying and when, every school term for the next fifteen years. To Aboriginal people, that is like
imprisonment [Christie, 1988:13].
However non-Aboriginals also often tend to perceive that many Aboriginal
people are both interested and concerned about education. This is revealed in the
following comment:
576
When the hostel was running it was because the parents wanted their children educated. They lost interest in education when they saw it as detrimental to their well being and their life style. It was the desire of the Parents that their children follow in their
footsteps [RCIADIC research notes, 1990].
However the gulf between the perceptions and expectations of education between
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people remains significant. It is also quite
obvious that in many ways the non-Aboriginal community is largely confused
and unsure as to what to do to enable education to become a more positive and
more helpful experience for Aboriginal children.
12.6 Bicultural education
There have been a number of suggestions over recent years to promote the ways
in which Aboriginal people can maintain their own culture and ways of learning
as well as also learning the skills of the western culture. It has been described
variously as two-way learning, bilingual or bicultural education. Aboriginal
people want their children to develop the skills which numeracy and literacy
offer, and which enable a community to also have control over the direction of
the lives of its members. They also want their children taught Aboriginal values,
history and culture of their people (Harris, 1989; WAAECG, 1987).
In the opinion of the Western Australian State School Teachers Union:
Aboriginal parents want the education system to develop their children to their full potential in all areas, as well as giving them a sound basic groundwork to be successful in the increasingly technological world of today while maintaining their own
Aboriginality [State School Teacher's Union Submission].
Consultation with Aboriginal people in the Kimberley about this revealed they:
want to see a system which will achieve and maintain a 'way through' for young people ... a system of education which will enable each person to be educated to as high a level as she or he
577
desires and is capable of, in order to be a productive person in the community. They want to develop a system of education which caters for diversity with diversity [Thies, 1987:85].
In 1987 the W AAECG recommended: 'the first step towards achieving a
fundamental re-orientation of schools would be the adoption of a Bicultural
Education Policy'. This policy:
means that teachers of Aboriginal students will adopt appropriate curriculum and teaching methods. It suggests changes to programmes in all schools, whether they have Aboriginal students or not. Schools will consult their local Aboriginal communities and come to regard them as important primary resources. It implies changes of attitudes and values by teachers and education authorities ... [W AAECG Appendix: 2].
Bicultural, bi1iilgual, and two way learning are all differerent ways of describing
the right of Aboriginal education to self-determination in regard to education. In
some places it will take the form of separate 'domains' for Aboriginal and non
-Aboriginal areas of learning. In other places there will be less clear distinctions.
The important element is that Aboriginal people have the right to choose the form
of education they wish, and to also have the various options of education
available to them.
What has been made clear is a determination by Aboriginal people 'not to 'lose'
the next generation of children as many of the last were 'lost' ... the dangers for
the young today of 'falling down in between' the two cultures, ill-equipped to
cope in either' (Thies, 1987: 91). Bicultural education is a means of ensuring
that western education is not provided at the expense of one's culture and identity
but as a support.
12.7 Aboriginal educators
The role of Aboriginal people in education is critical. The increased use of
Aboriginal Teacher Aides, Aboriginal Education Workers (AEWs), Aboriginal
Teacher or Teaching Assistants, Aboriginal Education Community Development
578
Officers (AECDOs) and Aboriginal Home-School Liason Officers, in the past
decade has made an important contribution towards Aboriginal involvement in
education.
AEWs can be crucial links of communication between teachers, the principal, the
child and the family. Truancy and discipline problems can be overcome
(RCIADIC Transcript, Esperance, April 1990:16). It was only in 1985 that
AEWs were first employed in Senior High Schools and by 1988 there was a total
of 135 AEWs employed in government schools. In 1989 they were upgraded to
AECDOs which then provided a career structure for AEWs (Ministry of
Education, 1990).
However, while important, the focus on the employment of AEWs and AECDOs
can blur the need for more Aboriginal people to take greater areas of
responsibility in schools, to be involved in guiding education policy and for
having more Aboriginal teachers. As it was expressed at one Conference:
We've tended to employ aides and not really gone beyond that [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:213].
In my Commission's view, there is an urgent need to go beyond the present
situation where too many Aboriginal people are employed in schools as
gardeners, cleaners or assistants of various sorts. Their skills and contributions
to that of education are often undervalued and need to be recognised and
developed. It is important that more Aboriginal adult educators, counsellors and
liaison persons in schools become accountable to the local Aboriginal community
who, through the establishment of local committees, have more authority and are
more involved in local policy making for Aboriginal students (see also AIU
'Fighting for Rights', 1990:20-21).
579
The policy within the State Ministry is to increase the numbers of:
educational administrators, teachers, curriculum advisers, teacher assistants, home-school liason officers and other education workers ... [Ministry of Education, 1990].
but the problem is not simply one of gaining more people, but in keeping people
within the education systems. In 1979 there were 14 qualified Aboriginal
teachers in Western Australia. A decade later there were approximately 95, with
20 teachers graduating between 1987 and 1989. Apart from the problem of the
numbers falling far short of a targetted 1,000 qualified teachers nationally by
1990 (143 teachers for Western Australia) (cf. Wilmot) the evidence is also that
many qualified Aboriginal teachers are not choosing teaching as a career. For
example, in 1990 there appear to be only 53 qualified Aboriginal teachers
working within the various education systems in the State (Educational Planning,
1990).
It has been agreed for many years that Aboriginal people prefer to be trained on site rather than have to live elsewhere for a lengthy period of study. In 1975 it
was recommended that courses for teacher aides be conducted with a combined
on-site training with short residential courses at Pundulmurra (Report on
Education in the Kimberleys, 1975). In 1984 the Beazley Report recommended
more flexible forms of training for Aboriginal teachers with 'some training
opportunities being available in country centres' (1984:328). In 1988 the
Ministry initiated a programme whereby AEWs could undertake teacher training
by studying part-time. This would take 5112 years to complete but it would be as
part of their work, which would be reduced to half-time. This programme,
similar to the Remote Area Teacher Education (RATE) Programme in the
Northern Territory, is only offered to 20 people every year.
It has been suggested for a number of years that school boards be instituted in all schools with large numbers of Aboriginal students. My Commission was
advised that State Ministry policy is:
580
to expand the support network and establishment of school-based decision-making groups in all schools and, wherever possible, to ensure that Aboriginal parents are represented on these bodies at a level that is commensurate with Aboriginal enrolments in each school [Ministry ofEducation, 1990:9].
However a large number of school boards or committees which do exist today
are only used when principals decide when consultation is to be used. Rarely are
they involved in the more serious levels of policy making, teacher appointment or
curriculum development. Too often they respond only to the decisions which
principals have already made. An exception would seem to be Aboriginal
Independent Schools who:
seek to maintain their Aboriginal ownership, while increasing Aboriginal decision-making capabilities with respect to education policy [Ministry ofEducation, 1990:9].
As one Aboriginal person said of being on an education advisory committee:
I get the feeling that really ... when you are put in those advisory roles, consultant roles, that you are really just token blacks ... And that has been my feeling for a number of years [RCIADIC Transcript, Broome, 1990:542].
From research findings put before me, it seems that it is not simply a matter of
involving more Aboriginal people in schools. Aboriginal people must have some
control and influence over the curriculum and the whole philosophy within a
school rather than being accountable to a Department in Perth or Canberra it
would be preferable for particular Aboriginal people to be part of a local
committee which sets policies for Aboriginal education in that particular area.
12.8 Educational discipline
The evidence from our conferences, and the many submissions given to this
Commission, lead me to the conclusion that for many Aboriginal students
schools are 'stressful institutions'. This can especially be so where a student has
581
non-Aboriginal people as teachers and principals, a non-Aboriginal curriculum
and discipline, when one changes school and finds different programmes and no
Aboriginal friends, and in general finds no Aboriginal role models to emulate
(Capp, 1988). The reinforcing of non-Aboriginal values through school
discipline can increase tension within the child. Breaking school rules, and
subsequently being sent home, has become for many children the only ways in
which some can break out of the conflict of pressures they experience between
school and home (AIU, Fighting for Rights, 1990:19).
Many reasons were offered to explain why a child might truant from school: not
being able to hear or understand what a teacher was saying, not understanding
the subject, being homesick, ill or not being able to keep up with other children
(RCIADIC, Transcripts, Esperance, April1990:15). It was also put to me that:
After a while they just give up and then the absenteeism starts and from that it is just a downhill run [RCIADIC Transcripts, Esperance, April 1990: 80-81 ].
Truancy was also mentioned by Aboriginal people as the result where
suspension and expulsion practices appeared to be aimed at Aboriginal students,
particularly low achievers (AIU, Fighting For Rights, 1990: 19).
The health of Aboriginal children at school affects more than their ability to learn.
It may influence the way they are treated by people unaware or ignorant of the
causes of their behaviour. Take the high number of Aboriginal children with
hearing difficulties such as COM (Chronic Otitis Media), a middle ear infection.
A submission in the Northern Territory Commission has said:
There are approximately 7500 Aboriginal school children enrolled at about 80 Aboriginal schools in the Northern Territory and in every classroom, in each school, it is estimated that 25% to 50% of children have a hearing loss, caused by COM (Chronic Otitis Media) in one or both ears. This means that up to half the children in any classroom cannot hear their teacher properly
[Submission to RCIADIC from Quinn, 1990].
582
Three elements associated with COM are: pain, a difficulty in processing
information and hence in being able to become part of a class or learning
environment. A further complication is that COM is intermittent and hence a
child may have it, lose it and gain it at a later stage. Hence for teachers there is
both their ability to perceive COM and accurately interpret behaviour associated
with it. Preliminary research by staff of the Broome Catholic Education Office
(CEO) suggests that the percentage of Aboriginal children with COM in the
Kimberley region is very similar to that in the Northern Territory.
Quinn's (1990) submission goes on to suggest:
A mild or moderate hearing loss in early childhood interferes with the language acquisition process and to the process of personality formation. Language deficits and personality problems possibly might project from the pre-school years into school settings, accounting in part for academic problems, slow learner labels, social and academic ostracism, juvenile delinquency, school drop out, street gang involvement, drug abuse and eventually adult criminal behaviour.
It is important that teachers learn to recognise health problems, such as COM,
and behaviour associated with it. Their own role in assisting children to cope
with such difficulties is most important. One submission to this Commission
recounted the story where a young Aboriginal man was being interviewed by the
police over a serious offence. The man was extremely deaf and, despite being
innocent of the charge, gained the impression from the police that he was to be
charged. He ran away, was eventually found after an extensive search in another
community some hundred kilometres away and only after much anxiety
experienced by himself and his community (it was feared he might harm himself
as he had shown a tendency to harm himself when very upset). It was both the
person's inability to hear and the police inability to communicate which led to a
potentially very dangerous situation (Submission to RCIADIC, Marchant, 1990).
It was also pointed out how inappropriate discipline can set children along the
track which leads to imprisonment: 'Kids are turned off school for many reasons
583
but one being the discipline procedure. 'Shame', humiliation and degradation by
the present system just leads to turning off from school. It appears that the
procedures currently in place are setting the kids up for the penal system'
(Submission: Skillshare, 1990). (See also submissions: East Carnarvon Primary
School.)
Parents can be criticised and blamed if their children do not attend school and
school authorities often bring in police where children are iruanting. Aboriginal
police aides are sometimes given this invidious task (RCIADIC Transcripts,
Roebourne, February 1990:175; Geraldton, 1990:268; Carnarvon, 1990:14).
There have been occasions when police have come into a school, their behaviour
being both insensitive and inappropriate. One case was mentioned of the police
who arrested a school employee during 'smoko' time for an offence which had
been committed the previous year. The arrest was in view of the students and
staff (Submission, CEO, Geraldton, 1990).
In terms of expulsion from Western Australian schools between 1985 and 1989,
29 out of 133 were Aboriginal students; from 1987 onwards 25 out of 67 were
Aboriginal students, an increase over five years of 15% (Equal Opportunity
Commission Report, 1990:vii). The fact that the number of Aboriginal
expulsions has increased 15% between 1985 and 1989 is of concern. Of greater
concern is the perception of the report of the Equal Opportunity Commission that
'counselling and punishment procedures were being 'short-circuited' (Equal
Opportunity Commission, 1990:vii). It would seem that those involved in a
person's behaviour in school are not communicating with parents as soon as it is
desirable or necessary.
Aboriginal parents spoke of their own difficulties with discipline and punishment
as a result of their own history:
And I know for a fact too that a lot of our ex-mission children refuse to smack our own kids for what happened to us as we
584
were little ... I can't bring myself to flog them [my own children] like I was belted [RCIADIC Transcript, Esperance, 1990:43]. And ... Nor is it easy to overcome what parents themselves experienced as education [RCIADIC Transcripts, Esperance,
1990:82].
Often schools communicate their difficulties with a particular child by sending
parents a letter, ignorant that there are parents who have difficulty with reading or
understanding what the teacher or school is saying (O'Brien, 1989). People
associated with schools acknowledged the difficulties of imposing discipline on
Aboriginal students. They referred to the devastating effects which discipline
often has on Aboriginal children because it is in conflict with the different 'child
rearing practices' between Aboriginal and non Aboriginal people (submission to
RCIADIC from Rangeway Primary School, 1990). Stories have been given to
this Commission of the use of isolation, suspension, and food deprivation as
ways in which Aboriginal students are disciplined and punished. Not only did a
number of people see that there were:
different child upbringing practices' at work but that certain school methods of punishment or discipline probably did more harm than good [Submissions to RCIADIC from Skillshare, Ryan, Willaway, 1990].
One teacher explained how decisions about discipline were made:
We have to impose a discipline system that is required by the majority of the students - or required by the majority of the parents [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:223]. ,
The Ministry has introduced a programme for introduction into schools in 1989,
Managing Student Behaviour:
to ensure that proper standards of discipline are maintained ... The programme was developed in response to schools' perceived needs for more effective management of some disruptive students. Allied to this were issues relating to teachers' working conditions, accountability of schools and the phasing out of corporal punishment ... The programme encourages students to
take responsibility for their own behaviour and is backed up by the use of 'time out' rooms [Ministry, 1990].
585
The use of a 'time-out' room was not perceived by some parents as helpful:
the time out room is a really small room, it is like a little cell and it's freezing cold there and the kids sit in it all day [RCIADIC Transcript, Esperance, April 1990: 19].
This programme, carried out by at least one school apparently isolates 'problem'
children in a place called 'the cottage' for some days. One parent responded to
such discipline by saying: 'I do not want my children sent to "the cottage" as
disciplinary action. "The cottage" is similar to a gaol. What does this
claustrophobic atmosphere do to rectify behaviour other than instill fear of being
enclosed. Surely an alternative to "the cottage" could be sought' (Herb Wimbus
to the Principal, 10 April1990). A further submission to my Commission also
referred to 'the cottage' as a reminder of 'the "sweat boxes" used in the Japanese
prisoner of war camps' (Submission to RCIADIC from Skillshare, 1990). My
understanding is that the 'cottage' has closed down since this submission was
provided to this Commission.
While there has been some improvement in facilities for children with learning
and/or emotional difficulties there remains the need for parents to be counselled
before problems become acute. For many years Aboriginal children were put
into special classes and separated from non-Aboriginal children. When students
are put into special classes today Aboriginal people can still remember the stigma
of such a move (O'Brien, 1989). Too often teachers can explain away a child's
behaviour as simply a consequence of one's family or community living.
Teachers need professional help in diagnosing children's difficulties at an early
age, being able to discuss them with the parents and being able to seek assistance
for the children concerned. Without sensitivity and understanding in this area
school inevitably can become a form of alienation or 'prison' for both Aboriginal
parents and children. The use of discipline and related forms of punishment are
valuable only if children experience them as helpful. And in these areas schools
586
need to be communicating better and receiving much greater input from
Aboriginal parents.
12.9 Curriculum content and teacher training
In the course of this Commission it became obvious that there is a widespread
lack of information about the history and culture of Aboriginal people in this
State. Not only were people largely uninformed about Aboriginal life in the area
where they were living, but the attitudes and impressions they had were often
poorly informed. For example in one area people did not seem to know much
about its early history and that local Aboriginal people had been massacred:
Knowledge of this massacre known as the Flying foam massacre [sic], is limited to a very few people. It is definitely a chapter of history that is deleted from several local history books [Submission to RCIADIC, Billing, 1990].
Rarely, is history presented from an Aboriginal perspective so that
non-Aboriginal people can see a valid and alternative way to see history. As one
Aboriginal description of history explains:
Basically our view of history is not a movement away from the present towards a distant future. History stays in the place where it has been made. It says and becomes the foundation of the present and the future [Marika-Mununggiritji et al , 1990].
'Much of the information which exists about Aboriginals in Australian schools is
often stereotyped, inadequate, anachronistic and even racist' (Aboriginal
Education, 1985:172). In addition Aboriginal children often stayed away from
school when the teacher said they were going to do Aboriginal studies: 'They
were worried about being stigmatised as dirty or lazy or of low intellect'
(O'Brien, 1989). This deficiency in education is directly linked to what has been
lacking in school curricula (O'Brien, 1989). Despite recommendations in favour
of Aboriginal studies programmes education authorities have still to implement
Aboriginal studies courses for all students in Western Australian schools -
587
'developments in this area are generally at an early stage' (Ministry of Education,
1990). The Beazley Report believed:
that Aboriginal Studies should form a stronger and more integrated component in the curriculum of all schools [and recommended the development of] Aboriginal studies materials for the pre-primary-to-Year 12 curriculum [1984:329].
The House of Representatives Report recommended:
State and Territory departments of education, in conjunction with their Aboriginal Education Consultative Groups, develop guidelines on the teaching of Aboriginal studies in their schools. These guidelines should include a contemporary perspective of
Aboriginal society [1985 :175] .
There is currently a Ministry of Education proposal to introduce Aboriginal
Studies Units into all schools within the coming triennium. The role of
principals and teachers in introducing such a curriculum into a school is most
important, especially in the attitudes they display towards what will be offered.
'The success of Aboriginal studies depends largely on the attitude of the school
principal and the staff (Aboriginal Education, 1985: 174).
In a survey of teachers in Western Australia in 1989 the vast majority of teachers
(90%) supported the introduction of Aboriginal Education units; 93% said that
they should be available for all students and 92% said they should be available
for all schools. However only just over half, 59%, said that such studies should
be compulsory (Gray and Pratt, 1989).
There have been a number of occasions when Aboriginal people expressed
dissatisfaction with teachers. Probably the most serious was a feeling that
non-Aboriginal teachers do not seriously 'push' Aboriginal students as hard as
non-Aborigines. There is evidence that 'the standard of performance of
Aboriginal and Islander children in schools will depend largely on the attitudes
and expectations of teachers' (Coutts, 1988). Students are easily identified as
588
low achievers with teachers finding it difficult to understand their behaviour and
too readily judge what they perceive from their own ethnocentric base.
Reports into Aboriginal education have been clear for some years about the
importance of teacher training including training in Aboriginal culture and history
and orientation programmes for new teachers of Aboriginal students. The
Beazley Report of 1984 recommended: 'that all teacher education pre-service
courses include components of Aboriginal education and Aboriginal studies'
(1984:330). This was followed by the House of Representatives Report in 1985
which said:
all teachers should be adequately prepared by pre-service training to appreciate the special needs of Aboriginal students. This should include general background in Aboriginal culture, the history of Aboriginal people and their place in modem Australian society. This presentation should aim to ensure that future teachers are trained to function sensitively and knowledgeably in cross-cultural situations [ 1985:194].
The W AAECG Report (1987) also recommended that it be:
a high priority that all student teachers be required to complete a full semester Aboriginal studies/Aboriginal education unit. This unit should be separate and distinct from multicultural studies or any other entity or discipline. In order to inform and sensitise trainee teachers about Aboriginal history, culture and contemporary issues, the emphasis of the unit should be
Aboriginal studies [p.19, Appendix].
What is of concern is the lack of support for these recommendations. In the
teacher survey referred to earlier, conducted among teachers in some Western
Australian schools in 1989,93% believed that while non-Aboriginal students do
not know enough about traditional and contemporary Aboriginal life, less than
half 47% said that it should be compulsory for teachers 'to attend and pass an
Aboriginal Education Unit as part of their teacher training course' (Gray and
Pratt, 1989).
589
What is also of concern is the high turnover of teachers of Aboriginal students,
especially those in remote areas. For example in the Kimberley in 1990 there
was a turnover of teachers in the Catholic Education system of about one in three
(Principal, personal communication); in Broome there was a turnover of teachers
at the District High School for the years 1985-1989 of between 21-34% each
year (The Broome Study, 1989:19).
The initiative of the Catholic Education System to offer annual in service training
of new teachers to Aboriginal communities and their exploring of incentives for
appropriate teachers to continue teaching after some years is to be encouraged.
However there are other teachers who have been teaching Aboriginal children for
too long and in the minds of some Aboriginal people: 'senior staff were left too
long in the one school. If their attitude happened to be poor, then Aboriginal
students were particularly disadvantaged' (AIU, Fighting for Rights, 1990:19).
Teachers must become accountable to local Aboriginal parents. A trial period for
teachers in remote areas would be of benefit to both teacher and the community.
A contract for a teaching period would also give the local community of parents a
greater sense of responsibility for their children's education (Capp, 1988).
12.10 Language
For many years Aboriginal people were prohibited from speaking their own
languages; they were forced to speak English while in school and sometimes
punished if they spoke their own language (O'Brien, 1989). This can continue
today where Aboriginal people are told to speak only 'good english' and where
the language they do speak, especially Kriol, is considered as an inferior
language (Hudson, 1984).
Kriol, the language many Aboriginal children are born into and which has
become the language of a number of Aboriginal communities in the north of
Western Australia, is a dialect of the creole spoken in the Northern Territory and
590
parts of Queensland. The language is now written and there is some support for
recognising it as a valid Aboriginal language (Hudson, 1984).
In the Northern Territory it has been found that where children have learned in a
bi-lingual environment they have achieved more educationally than children from
the same community whose only learning experience has been in English
(Aboriginal Education, 1985:109; Beazley Report, 1984:326). Apart from
helping to provide a good cognitive base for learning a second language learning
to read and write in the language one is born with provides much for a person's
confidence and self esteem (Hudson, 1984).
As noted earlier, my Commission has been informed by the Beazley Commission
which in 1984 recommended:
the encouragement of bilingual education, by offering Aboriginal languages in schools, by using Aboriginal languages as a teaching medium in conjunction with English and by teaching English as a second language to students whose first language is
Aboriginal or a Kriol [1984:328].
The W AAECG recommended the setting up of Aboriginal Language Resource
Centres in 1987 (WAAECG, 1987:8). However it was only in 1989 that
Western Australian State Education policy acknowledged that English was a
second language for a number of Aboriginal students (Whisson, 1990).
The Ministry of Education began a project, in cooperation with the Catholic
Education Office, to teach Aboriginal languages in primary schools which have a
high proportion of Aboriginal students. This programme is a small but
significant step towards the recognition of Aboriginal culture and identity in the
schooling process. However there are many advantages in making Aboriginal
languages available to all Western Australian students. Not only does it support
the cultural identity and integrity of Aboriginal students but it also enables
non-Aboriginal people to perceive the world in a quite different but enriching
cultural way (cf.Watson & Chambers, 1989).
591
12.11 Independent schools
It is significant that of all the Aboriginal Independent schools which exist in Australia the majority are in Western Australia, with the largest concentration
within the Fitzroy Crossing area. In 1990 there are nine independent schools at
Strelley; Noonkanbah; Millajidee; Warrimabah; Ngoongah Aboriginal
Community School; Christian Aboriginal Parent-Directed School Coolgardie
(CAPS); Yiyili Community School; Wangkatjungka Community School.
Pungurr, in the Pilbara Region was established in 1988. These schools have
arisen out of an Aboriginal desire to have a more community controlled school.
As schools they are distinct in that they attempt to have more Aboriginal control
and curriculum, qualities which have been lacking in Aboriginal education in
Western Australia. When examining the independent schools in Western
Australia the Beazley Report spoke of:
obvious benefits, which included higher student attendance rates, improved self-esteem and greater relevance. There was evidence of a greater number of Aboriginal groups and communities seeking to have their own schools. The factors underlying this trend are varied, but include disenchantment with European forms of education, fear of cultural destruction, irrelevance and family disintegration. These problems often manifest themselves in poor attendance of Aboriginal children, with attendance rates declining markedly in recent years [1984:327].
The right of such schools to exist and be supported has been clearly established
in Australia. Parents with religious convictions have had the right to set up their
own schools (Aboriginal Education, 1985:137). The Government, through the
Department of Aboriginal Affairs, has supported such initiatives for Aboriginal
independent schools by claiming 'that Aboriginals have the same right as other
citizens to establish their own independent schools and to create and adopt
educational programmes so that they accord with their cultural values and chosen
lifestyles' (Quoted in Aboriginal Education, 1985: 139).
592
That Aboriginal parents and communities might seek to establish their own
independent schools is an initiative to be encouraged. That Aboriginal people
seek and are given greater responsibility for the educational needs of their
children is consistent with the major thrust of my Commission's report. It is also
consistent with the recommendations of the House of Representatives Report in
1985 which said: 'as expressions of Aboriginal self-determination and
Aboriginal community control, Aboriginal independent schools should be
encouraged' (Aboriginal Education, 1985:143).
One of the difficulties associated with establishing such schools is often one of
finance. Independent Aboriginal schools do not have the economic base or
political power to support their own schools, as do other independent schools.
They are far more dependent upon government finance and resources and much
more vulnerable to the forces of non-Aboriginal people. The difficulties which
the Aboriginal people on the Carnarvon Reserve encountered in 1977 in trying to
address the educational needs of their children has been documented elsewhere
(e.g. Saggers and Gray, 1988). In attempting to resolve a number of important
issues, such as truancy, the relationship between education and their culture and
the purpose of education, the community discovered a multitude of forces which
operated overtly and covertly to prevent establishing their own independent
school (ibid).
It is important that funding and expertise be made available to support and
develop independent schools. Communities seeking to explore new possibilities
need to be supported and encouraged but also offered the range of options which
are available. With the increase of movement of Aboriginal communities to
outstations it is becoming even more critical that Aboriginal people be able to
choose the education they want for their children and for themselves. As the
Beazley Report was 'encouraged' to see the gradual development of 'outstation
schools' it noted that 'it wishes to encourage this trend, for it is based on the
strength of the group in Aboriginal life' (1984:327).
593
Independent schools are important resources for Aboriginal communities. They
enable Aboriginal people to experience more fully self-determination and
responsibility for their education needs (Beazley Report, 1984:327). In
presenting a report on their Community school to the AlA TSIS Conference in
July 1990 the Yirrkala Community School Action Group said:
We are now able to make all decisions, plan, evaluate, raise important issues and make recommendations for our school - the way we want it to be [Marika-Mununggiritj et al, 1990].
With control over their own schools Aboriginal people can set the direction they
wish to take in regard to their own learning and training. They are also important
resources for the non-Aboriginal community as they offer an alternative to the
meaning of learning and being educated in Australia.
12.12 Funding
Institutions or colleges which predominantly teach Aboriginal children or adults
complained of the problems they faced with funding. The Early Intervention
Education Programme (Roeboume), the Roeboume Education Centre, Nulungu
College (Broome), Pundulmurra (South Hedland) have all experienced financial
difficulties in recent years. For example, Pundulmurra has 82% of the 2.5% of
Aboriginal people in T AFE yet it receives a budget of less than $1 million
compared with $9.5 million for Hedland College and Karratha College. It trains
300-350 Aboriginals students from various areas in the north of the State in a
year compared with the handful at either of those colleges (RCIADIC Transcript,
Roebourne, February 1990:670). As a college, Pundulmurra is geared towards
the needs of Aboriginal students and has been successful despite its funding
limitations (RCIADIC Transcripts, Geraldton, April 1990:395).
While the proposed changes to the AEP funding will provide more security from
Federal funding in future years, as provided on a triennium basis, it is
particularly important that institutions providing appropriate educational care for
594
Aboriginal students are supported. Hence there is a need to establish Aboriginal
Boards or Committees who can oversee and monitor the standards of education
being offered.
A number of informants spoke to my Commission about difficulties experienced
with Abstudy, in particular the time it took for people to be approved or paid.
They spoke about 'children refusing to attend school because they had no
uniform or books' (submission from Department for Community Services,
1990). Stories were told of DEET approving children to go to school but not
paying the school for more than six months; of parents being paid money which
was supposed to go to a boarding school and then the school being billed for
outstanding costs; of children being approved to go to a school by one local
DEET office and another DEET office not paying for their board (submission
from Nulungu College, 1990). Not only were people forced to wait extensive
periods of time for payment but, without an avenue for appeal within the
Department, they were dependent upon bureaucratic decisions.
Research has also shown that Abstudy provided less than unemployment money
and, as a result, was not an incentive for men and others who are supporting a
family:
After their Abstudy and whatever other subsidies are given by the Commonwealth government after the living allowance - the living component is taken out of that allowance there's only $15 a fortnight left for these kids to spend. If they stayed in Gcraldton they would be far better off, they'd have a lot more money ... the majority would be dropping in the region of probably $30 a week
[RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, 1990:397].
The Commonwealth Government has established the Aboriginal Student Support
and Parent Awareness Programme (ASSPA), to replace the parental meetings
and school student excursion elements of Abstudy from the beginning of 1990.
The purpose of this programme is to increase student participation by developing
parent involvement and decision making. Funds which were linked previously
to Abstudy are now transferred to ASSPA with the purpose of providing
595
'financial assistance for a variety of activities which will enhance educational
opportunities for, and increase participation and attendance of, Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander school students' (Student Support and Parent Awareness
(SSPA) Programme, 1990:5). This development appears to have been met with
parent support and involvement. It is a significant, but small, development in
bringing parents into planning and decision making within a school. However it
is important that consultation with Aboriginal parents about education needs and
priorities goes beyond the area of government school grants to that of school
policy itself. The programme also says that 'travel costs for committee members
to attend ASSPA meetings cannot be paid out of SSAP funds' (ibid:6). It is
most important that committee members receive both financial and personal
support to be able to carry out their functions on a regular basis and that
decisions made through SSPA be considered as an essential part of broader
educational policy in a school.
12.13 Tertiary education
Some Aboriginal students find it difficult moving from school to the work place.
Factors such as a shortage of jobs, employer expectations, fellow workers'
attitudes, a lack of academic and skill support for those doing apprenticeships are
often present in the work field. There are other pressures such as peer group
pressures, lack of family support, family obligations and ceremonies. These
factors together place enormous stresses upon young Aboriginal people seeking
employment after leaving school (Nulungu 1982, Submission: Department of
Employment and Training, 1990).
In the view of my Commission, there is a need for courses to be provided which
meet the expressed needs of Aboriginal people:
If you go there with a course that they've asked for and you do it carefully and in a professional way with tremendous care and you put people in there with hearts who care about the people, who make an effort, a few will drift away, then they'll drift back again [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:208].
596
The Queensland Aboriginal and Islander Tertiary Aspirations Programme
(AIT AP) which aims to 'identify and assist Aboriginal and Islander students who
have the potential to achieve the standard to pursue tertiary education, particularly
in universities' (AITAP, 1990:4). Of the 17 who graduated from Year 12 in
1989, 14 went on to further tertiary studies.
There are colleges and institutions where Aboriginal students do better than
others. While T AFE is set up for mature age students they, and other tertiary
colleges, often attract younger people who have left school and who are attracted
by the less restrictive environment, being with their own people and being in a
course specifically designed for Aboriginal people. These are places where there
are other Aboriginal students, Aboriginal tutors and lecturers and where the
teaching is adapted to meet the needs of Aboriginal students (submission from
Kalgoorlie College, 1990).
Access courses (e.g. TAFE's Aboriginal Access Programme), enclaves and
bridging courses are proving valuable for Aboriginal students who wish to
develop their skills or who wish to go further in education or employment
(RCIADIC Transcript, Esperance, 1990:21). In these cases it is apparent that
there are a large number of Aboriginal students who are seeking further education
but who wish it to be in an environment which recognises and respects their
Aboriginality. Outreach courses are also proving more popular as too are some
pre-apprenticeship courses (cf. submissions from Pundulmurra, Kalgoorlie
College, Department of Employment and Training, 1990).
There is much to be said for regional colleges which can adapt and meet the
educational needs of Aboriginal people in local areas (RCIADIC Transcript,
Kalgoorlie, June 1990:206). It is well established that Aboriginal people are
reluctant and find it difficult to leave their families and communities to undertake
study in another location (Fitzgerald, 1984; RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton,
April 1990:397). Tertiary colleges could contract through regional colleges to
597
run courses. These colleges then contract with local communities (RCIADIC
Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:214).
In relation to employment in a local area tertiary colleges need not only offer
training courses for young people who might wish to work in the pastoral,
mining or tourist industries but actively seek from such industries a commitment
of employment after such training.
In this State too, the Centre for Aboriginal Studies at Curtin University of
Technology, is providing a number of courses that are especially relevant to
Aboriginal people's access to tertiary education. These courses include a
'bridging course' whereby students are provided with a year's study that assists
them to go from secondary to tertiary scholarship. Another course is one that
provides people in communities with the opportunity to undertake a 'Community
Development Course'. The aim of this course is to provide people with skills
that are of benefit at a community level, while not detracting from aspects of their
Aboriginality.
12.14 Catholic education
Of all private and public education systems within Australia it would be expected
that the Catholic Education system would be one which understands the desire
often expressed by Aboriginal people for their own education system. The
Catholic Education system has endeavoured more so in some regions than others
for more than 100 years to maintain an independent schooling system.
The Catholic Education System offers a resource in terms of Aboriginal
communities and Aboriginal education. For example, in the Kimberley region
there are 13 Catholic schools (anotherto be started in 1991) with 1 ,455 primary
and secondary students. There was also the appointment of the first Aboriginal
female principal in Western Australia which occurred at Clontarf Aboriginal
College in Perth in 1990. The Catholic Education Office (CEO) offers a system,
598
with religious content, supposedly different from that of the State system. In
terms of appreciation of Aboriginal culture and Aboriginal involvement in their
schools the Catholic school system at times appears more innovative and positive
about Aboriginal culture than often found in the State system.
One difficulty which the CEO presents is that while it is often appreciated by
Aboriginal people for the services and dedication it offers (many schools began
with few resources and in physically difficult conditions) it possesses no
different mechanism from Government schools for enabling Aboriginal people to
experience that the schools actually belong to the community. In this way
Catholic schools are not unlike Government schools. Principals and teachers are
accountable to people outside the Aboriginal community. A further difficulty of
the Catholic system is that, like the Government school system, it can build an
enclave within an Aboriginal community. Not only does the school report to
outside 'authorities' but if they do work through the community it is often
through the community advisor or project officer (cf. Capp, 1988).
In many cases the Church has sought to have its own land within Aboriginal
communities with classrooms, library, and staff housing, forming a separate
physical reality within the community. New buildings are imported and erected
and rarely, if ever, are local Aboriginal people involved. As well, the
maintenance of such buildings is often in the care of outside non-Aboriginal
people. Not only are local Aboriginal people denied opportunities for work and
maintenance, but also training to take up such work and maintenance. As a result
'education' becomes even more alien and non-Aboriginal. This obviously raises
the question as to the purpose of education in such a community where there is a
divorce between the spoken aims of education and what work people might
realistically do when they leave school. It is important, as one report has already
indicated:
Education must be related to community development as perceived by the communities themselves [Aboriginal Education, 1985:202].
599
The CEO needs to consider ways in which Aboriginal people can experience and
believe they have some power and control over the education which they are
offered. If schools do have parent or community boards they are simply
advisory or in many cases token. The Catholic Education System, being part of
the Catholic Church, has become part of mission history. As missions provided
resources and resource people to communities, they also provided institutions
which assumed power over Aboriginal people and so can the CEO system. It is
important that the CEO consider its method of handing over control of its schools
to Aboriginal people and becoming more accountable to them.
12.15 Summary of education
From findings put before the RCIADIC, 'education' has become so narrowly
defined and experienced in the history of this country that few non-Aboriginal
people appreciate what they can learn from Aboriginal people, what Aboriginal
people can teach them, and what education Aboriginal people themselves have
been doing for thousands of years.
The intentions of the Prime Minister to educate the Australian people about the
benefits of a treaty or some form of reconciliation with Aboriginal people (West
Australian, 3 February 1990) indicate again the importance of the need for true
two-way education for all Australian people. Aboriginal people themselves have
to take some initiative in this area, and not simply wait for school authorities to
do things in a way that will satisfy them.
As a system, education is failing non-Aboriginal people as well as Aboriginal
people:
The education system has a lot to answer for in relation to relevant curriculum and studies to areas of Aboriginal culture and heritage. A lot of white people see Aboriginal culture and Aboriginal people as being something totally irrelevant in contemporary times and that Aboriginal people are seen as
600
walking museums. There isn't a valid education system for Aboriginal people and there needs to be a developed, an appropriate one to ensure that they can enter into the non-Aboriginal society on their own terms [RCIADIC Meetings, Leonora, 4 December; Kalgoorlie, 7 December 1989).
All aspects of the media, school curricula and general community attitudes reflect
the heritage of racist thinking about Aboriginal people. With a more assertive
attitude towards educational curricula and programmes, community attitudes will
improve and this in tum will have an effect upon the Aboriginal community.
Funding and resource support is required for those colleges which are attempting
to meet the educational needs of Aboriginal students especially as outreach
education is important and very expensive. Long term strategies such as the
Strategic Plan for Aboriginal Education of the Great Southern Regional College
of T AFE need to be encouraged (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, June
1990:220). The proposal for Aboriginal Education Cultural Centres in Western
Australia (see submission to RCIADIC from Kerr, 1990) needs to be combined
with proposals for an Aboriginal university and that of other Aboriginal tertiary
institutions.
Within the past decade there have been many reports concerning Aboriginal
education in Western Australia, various recommendations have been made.
Some repeat the recommendations of previous reports. However the result is
that few such recommendations have been fully implemented. As the WAAECG
concluded:
Furthermore, our research suggests that putting bandaids on the worst wounds is not the road to follow. Rather a co-ordinated and holistic approach needs to be taken . . . further action orientated research is essential if we are to effect major improvements to the achievement rates of Aboriginal students in
Western Australia [1987:13] .
The emphasis on bicultural education needs to be established as policy for
Aboriginal education in all schools. 'Two way' learning can easily become 'one
601
way' learning: two cultures at work but learning only going one way. For
proper two way learning non-Aboriginal people, especially, have to allow
separate educational areas to exist, one where non-Aboriginal learning occurs,
but another where Aboriginal people control the learning that occurs.
The challenge upon all involved in the education process is to develop both a
curriculum and a schooling process which dignifies and empowers Aboriginal
people. Because of the history of education in this State, all students in Western
Australian schools should be offered a unit of Aboriginal history and culture as
part of their studies in both primary and secondary school. All teachers likewise
should take a course in Aboriginal culture and history as part of their training.
And professional people, such as police, prison officers, government and health
workers, whose work brings them into contact with Aboriginal people, should
also be introduced to Aboriginal life and culture as part of their initial training.
In-service training should then be regularly offered in local communities
involving Aboriginal people. Essentially what is needed is an approach to
education which transcends the parameters of non-Aboriginal society and which
allows both Aboriginal people a place for their own teaching and learning in
Australian Society, and non-Aborigines the opportunity to learn about and
appreciate Aboriginal history and culture. Non-Aborigines should no longer be
denied this opportunity.
602
Chapter 13
HOUSING
... the site that they [the local Aboriginal people] selected [for the Village] was not the site they got today .. . you have got families living in - you have got 15 people living in one house down there, no wonder you going to have your problems - juvenile problems, the drinking problems, your unemployment problems, you know, your wear and tear and damages and houses ... when it becomes wear and tear it becomes the responsibility of one - of that one particular tenant and naturally that tenant is going to - cannot coping - is going to tum to alcoholism, or whatever
[RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:41].
The submission of the Western Australian AIU (1990), presented to my
Commission under the title 'Fighting for Rights' sums up one of the major
concerns of Aboriginal people in this State:
Participants were unanimous in nominating housing as the major issue for Aboriginal people. Statistics were supplied, but these were not exhaustive, and much more research is needed. The areas of planning, decision making, evaluation, allocation of resources, and Aboriginal involvement in decision making were all examined as were the roles of appropriate authorities. Overcrowding, over-concentration of Aboriginal families in certain areas, and racism were among the matters discussed
[1990:23].
The provision and maintenance of housing to Aboriginal people in this State, in
urban, rural and remote settings, together with the realities of matters to do with
racism, a shortfall in housing supplies, appropriate architectural designs,
overcrowding, kin obligations, and adverse effects of contemporary Aboriginal
social life, means that housing is a significant and often contentious issue.
603
Before considering some of the evidence which has come before my
Commission, the following provides an overview concerning housing policies in
Western Australia
13.1 History of housing policies and Aboriginal people in
Western Australia
The real beginning of any sort of housing policy for Aboriginal people in
Western Australia, is to be found in the immediate post war years. The
overwhelming majority of Aborigines at this time lived away from the main
towns and cities, most residing on missions, government settlements,
agricultural properties and pastoral stations. In the south-west, an increasing
proportion lived on unoffi<;ial reserves, often sited near rubbish tips, which were
to be found on the outskirts of many small country towns. Smaller numbers
lived in metropolitan areas, discouraged from the central city by a curfew which
remained in force until 1954 (Biskup, 1973:256; Howard, 1981 :22). But in the
wake of various post-war developments, attitudes toward Aborigines were
starting to change, and within these changes came the first official recognition of
Aboriginal housing needs. Aboriginal experience as soldiers, and the change
their presence brought to some areas, also highlighted the need for a better deal.
The seeds of the changing approach were in the assimilationist thinking that had
started to emerge as an alternative to the prevailing emphasis on exclusion and
segregation. The change was further encouraged by increasing official and
public concerns at the squalor and poor hygiene of Aboriginal camps such as
those located in the metropolitan area, Moora, Kellerberrin and Narrogin (see,
for example, Haynes 1972:69). The poverty of these camps was underlined in a
submission to the Western Australian Aboriginal Land Inquiry (the 'Seaman
Inquiry'), by the Southern Aboriginal Corporation (1983:5-6) which noted that
many such camps, and reserves upon which they were situated, were either on or
near rubbish dumps and gravel quarries.
604
Consistent with assimilationist thinking, the 1950s saw the gradual appearance of
a programme of 'transitional' housing. This involved, as a first step, the
formalisation of the unofficial areas set aside for Aborigines on the outskirts of
towns, so that areas became designated reserves. Following this came
government provisions of rudimentary housing and ablution facilities, which
were meant to assist Aborigines in making the transition to 'civilised' life. Little
was said about how long the supposed transition would take, or whether it was
expected to eventually result in Aborigines living side by side with
non-Aborigines throughout the State.
These transitional houses were standardised from a prototype into three models
each corresponding to a different level of 'sophistication'. Ideally Aborigines
were to be moved up through each level as they adjusted to its use. It seems to
have been thought that Aborigines could be systematically 'processed' through
these three designs and, if they failed to live up to official expectations, they
could be relegated to a prior level. Level 1 houses were steel framed, with iron
walls and an open fire place and no ablution facilities; level 2 houses were
somewhat better provided, the design including four rooms and indoor ablution
facilities; level 3 houses were a further step toward the European conventional
model being complete with electricity, although still only galvanised walls.
During the 1950s and early 1960s, the policy of transitional housing became
entrenched government policy. It became increasingly apparent, however, that
this policy was not achieving its stated objectives. A later survey conducted by
the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Housing
(1975:221) documented the failure of the policy and speculated that it had not
been successful primarily due to the lack of experience by Aboriginal people who
had not lived in such houses before. The inference seems to be that Aborigines
had failed in the exercise of being able to live like 'civilised Europeans'. Makin
(1970:151) in his study of Perth's Aborigines in the 1960s, also noted that the
Department of Native Welfare could see no easy solution to the problem of
overcrowding, 'because it considers those concerned are too backward for more
605
conventional housing'. It does not seem to have occurred to the authorities that
the failure might have had something to do with Aborigines not being involved in
the decisions to do with housing design, location and administration. There
seems little doubt that the houses themselves were inadequate in design,
extremely unpleasant to live in, and unsuited to Australia's climatic extremes.
This is well illustrated by the use of unlined galvanised walls, which were totally
unsuited to either hot or cold weather conditions. The logical sequence to a
programme of transitional housing was the provision of conventional houses
within the residential areas of the main population centres. 'Town housing', as it
was called, was increasingly stressed particularly for 'urbanised' Aborigines,
eventually displacing the transitional programme altogether. The houses were
managed for Aboriginal residents by the Department of Native Welfare until1972
when control of the houses transferred to the State Housing Commission (SHC)
(which became known as Homeswest in 1984).
The town housing project was not considered a success. Again according to the
survey conducted by the House of Representatives Standing Committee on
Aboriginal Housing (1975:221), the programme failed because of lack of
Aboriginal readiness to make the transition from reserve to town, Shire
opposition to Aboriginal housing, and significantly lack of adequate funding
from the Federal Government.
Overall, the amount of town housing provided in the 1960s was low, great
enough perhaps to increase expectation, but too limited for the numbers looking
for dwellings. Under the administration of the Department of Native Welfare,
with its limited budget and its timidity in the face of non-Aboriginal
opposition/opinion, there was little prospect of the situation changing.
According to Heppell (1979:13) the conventional houses provided in Western
Australia by 1971 (329 in all) were sufficient to house only about 5% of the
State's Aboriginal population.
606
A significant change came in 1971 with the abolition of the Departtnent of Native
Welfare and the transfer of housing responsibilities to the State Housing
Commission. This was followed in late 1972 with the election of the Whitlam
Labor Government at the Federal level, with its commitment to Aboriginal
'self-determination' and vastly increased resources to Aboriginal affairs.
Aboriginal housing became a priority of the new government, its aim being to see
that 'all Aborigines should be housed in conventional houses to the same
standard as that of the European community' (House of Representatives Standing
Committee on Aboriginal Housing, 1975:221).
Later came a number of initiatives on the State level. One was the strengthening
of the Homemaker Service, a community-based welfare service funded by the
Department for Community Welfare (DCW) which had been established in 1968.
Homemakers were employed on a part-time basis to assist Aboriginal families in
areas such as home-management, child-care and social adjustment (DCW Guide
to Services, 1981 :7). This initiative was followed in 1978 with the
establishment of the Aboriginal Housing Board (AHB), under the auspices of the
State Housing Commission. The AHB was meant to play both an advisory role
to government and to administer the existing stock of Aboriginal housing. The
AHB however was not given any real power and there is little evidence to
suggest it has had any influence on SHC/Homeswest policy. For instance,
according to Gevers (1983:6), against the advice of AHB , the Commission
allocated 75% of the Federal Assistance Aboriginal Housing Grant to village
programmes in the north-west of the state in 1982-83. This left approximately
$600,000 from the total allocation of $7,000,000 for rental housing construction
in the rest of Western Australia.
The shift in philosophy implied by the talk of 'self-determination' and the
commitment to Aboriginal equality in the area of housing, were not matched by
official practice. For its part, Homeswest continues to operate in terms of
assimilationist ideas. One manifestation of this is the approach colloquially
referred to as the 'salt and pepper' or 'social mix' policy. This policy authorises
the 'sprinkling' of Aboriginal families throughout the metropolitan area. South
west Aboriginal, Ken Colbung, an early critic of this approach, described the
logic behind the 'salt and pepper' or 'social mix' policy:
The white people come along and say, 'look, we want to put you into our society, but we are not going to take you as one big group because you might bash us up so we will put you here, one you there, and another there, here and all around' ... The white people were mad ... [Colbung, 1975:29].
Within the 'salt and pepper' policy, the Commission said it expected Aborigines
to:
.. . maintain an accepted standard of domestic hygiene, social behaviour and credit worthiness, and to these ends assistance will be given by the officers of the Commission with the co-operation of the Department for Community Welfare, the Community Health Service and the Homemaker Service [House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Housing,
1975:223].
Again, a response from Ken Colbung:
Sure you say 'we put them in good houses and they don't even know how to look after them'. If you had been living for years on the rubbish tips and nothing else you wouldn't know how to look after a house either ... [1974:29].
The State Housing Commission soon adopted, and Homeswest continues to
follow the so called 'saturation point' policy, which involves a limit established
by housing authorities on the number of families of Aboriginal descent who can
be accommodated in particular areas. Once the 'saturation point' is reached,
further Aboriginal people cannot be housed in that area. This means that even
though a house may be vacant, and an Aboriginal family in need of a home, it
will remain vacant or be allocated to a non-Aboriginal family regardless of time
spent on waiting lists.
608
13.2 Aboriginal housing needs
The number of houses provided by public housing authorities has also proved to
be far short of Aboriginal requirements, despite the large increase in funds
allotted in the 1970s. Various estimates have been made of the size of the
shortfall. For example in 1977 Henderson (1979:452) calculated that the
housing backlog for the State as a whole was 3,000 units. She further indicated
that the rate of new construction and acquisition was not keeping pace with the
rate of new family formation (225-250 families per year). Perhaps indicating that
some progress had been made, the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority
reported a backlog of 2,500 units in 1981 (AAPA Annual Report, 1981:3).
Gevers (1983:6) reported two years later that:
there are currently 905 Aboriginal families listed with the SHC for rental accommodation. If these families are only allowed access to the SHC ... they will experience lengthy waits before being housed ... families deemed to be in 'emergent' need of housing must wait at least 15 months for housing whereas other families (placed on a wait tum basis) must wait up to five years.
In response to a request from my Commission, Homeswest provided the
following details regarding current 'Aboriginal Rental Applicants'.
609
Table 13: Aboriginal Rental Application,Western Australia, 1990
BRANCH OFFICE TOTAL
Mirrabooka Region 207
Fremantle Region 81
Cannington Region 113
Albany Region 52
Bunbll_IY Region 77
Merredin Re_gjon 132
Gerald ton Region 186
North West 358
STATE TOTAL 1206
(Source: Homeswest, Perth, 31 May 1990.)
Given that, as observed earlier, Aboriginal people constitute only 2.7% of the
population in this state, the backlog of 1,206 units is alarming. What is even
more alarming, is that evidence gathered by my Commission, demonstrated that
the figures collected by Homeswest may not always reflect the reality. For
instance, in Kalgoorlie I heard that:
there are 80-90 people homeless who are living at Nannygoat Hill [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, June 1990:553].
And in Carnarvon, it was reported that 'there is a 12 month waiting list'
(RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990: 178). A further example is that in
Northam, there were 21 Aboriginal families currently listed for housing. One of
these was for a large family needing a five bedroom home (RCIADIC Transcript,
Northam, 1990:201-203).
Some of the major concerns put before me in relation to housing were
homelessness and waiting to be accommodated. Significantly most of those who
died in custody were described as 'homeless'. Overall, two of the major
610
concerns expressed throughout various meetings and conferences were racism
and powerlessness. As an example of this view, in Carnarvon, Homeswest
representatives stated:
I do have a tendency to speak down to people, but it is not just the black community in Carnarvon [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:175].
A lot of vandalism goes on after people leave the property [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990: 177].
Views such as these are, unfortunately, common place. (See also Equal
Opportunity Commission Report on The State Housing Commission', yet to be
released by State Government, which provides detailed di scussion concerning
matters raised here). What makes these views especially alarming is that they
have the direct and indirect capacity to affect Aboriginal people's approach to
housing authorities. Given that, as noted elsewhere, Aboriginal people primarily
have to exist on some form of DSS entitlement they are, as a consequence, only
in the position of seeking access to accommodation through government
instrumentalities. Difficulties associated with access, and manifestations of
powerlessness, are reflected in the following accounts:
⢠People living in the Geraldton hostel are often people who have been put out of Homeswest housing [RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, 1990:492].
⢠they have to pay off rent arrears and repairs to the last place before they can get another one [RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, 1990:492].
⢠Some of the 'fringe dwellers' in Kalgoorlie have been living there since 1972 [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:72].
⢠People's priorities are everything except paying the rent, and it's like, 'well I had to bu food this week', or 'gotta buy my kids some clothes', or 'school costs' [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:460].
611
The judgements fonned by the housing officer do two things: (i) reveal attitudes
toward Aboriginal people who are struggling to survive, and (ii) reveal the
Aboriginal struggle.
The Aboriginal struggle to survive is also manifest in what can be cited as fonns
of resistance. The following points demonstrate my meaning here:
I have never struck such anti-feeling towards me as white personnel ... it all happens on pension day ... I myself have been subjected to well, not physical abuse, but in a car trying to get at me ... [we have] instructions not to go near, [the] village on pension day [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:174-175].
According to an AHB official, there are some improvements in relation to
housing in the goldfields regions. Given that this region is one where the
material conditions of Aboriginal people struck me as among some of the worst I
have ever witnessed, the following comment is, perhaps, somewhat misleading
and symptomatic of where policies and practice differ:
In Kalgoorlie I seem to be very pleased with the way things are going with Aboriginal housing at present because we have a programme where we are constantly building houses with building programme for each year. We also have other aspects that we are very pleased with in the fonn of funds made available for the relining of the older type houses where they are tin-lined.
[There] maybe one or two white people that are occupying Aboriginal Housing Board homes. That is where perhaps we have not had any applications for the houses at that time and there has been an overflow of white people so we have housed them [RCIADICTranscript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:149-151].
Of interest also is that 38% of public housing in Kalgoorlie is occupied by
Aboriginal people, as the following table indicates:
612
Aboriginal Non-Aboriginal
Coolgardie 28 13
Leonora 35 42
Menzies 5 3
Kalgoorlie/Boulder 76 850
With regard to Aboriginal housing in the State, the following graph, compiled
from ABS data, reveals how peoples housing needs are distributed:
Graph 5: Aboriginal housing, Western Australia, 1986
3000 2500 2000 1500
1000 500 0
Ownd. Purchsd. H/Wst .Other/Govt. Other L/Lord. Inad. Despn.
Overall, there continues to be an obvious and urgent need to address the housing
requirements of Aboriginal people in this State. While there are signs that there
are measures in place to consider the views and experiences of Aboriginal
people, such as the establishment of an independent Appeals Tribunal to hear
complaints against Homeswest by tenants, and Aboriginal people are now being
involved in the construction and design of housing in some areas (see response
to RCIADIC questions to Homeswest, 6 and 7 July 1990), there still exist major
613
discrepancies between government policy and practice with regard to Aboriginal
people and their housing demands.
Complaints about housing from Aboriginal people in this State are not rare, nor
are they new, and again we find an area that has been well researched and
documented, but where government has failed to act.
The sorts of concerns reflected throughout my report which impinge on matters
to do with housing, can also be found in the following reports and publications:
Equal Opportunity Report on the State Housing Commission (1990, yet to be
released); AIU Submission to RCIADIC (1990); AAPA Inquiry into services to
remote Aboriginal Communities (1990); Equal Opportunity Commission into
Essential Services to remote Aboriginal Communities (1990); Submission to my
Commission from Brewer Street Rights and Advocacy Service (May 1990).
These are just a few of the most recent documents that have been produced on
this crucial matter.
614
Chapter 14
THE STRUGGLE FOR HEALTH
At the outset, it is essential to recognise that traditional and contemporary
aspects of Aboriginal health care can often be contrasted in both practice and
philosophy to present day western medicine.
Traditionally, health care was embedded in beliefs and practices about life and
death, and relationships to kin. Health care was not viewed separately from
other aspects of Aboriginal life, and knowledge about health was generalised,
except for the particular role played by traditional healers, or 'mabam', and
certain rituals performed by women and men when occasion called for collective
care. From a non-Aboriginal perspective, the essential difference in health care
perceptions and remedies, lies with the cause of illness. This is because
Aboriginal people broadly believed, and in many areas continue to believe, that
mortality and morbidity are brought about by influences largely outside their
own control. These are sometimes referred to as 'supernatural' forces, and
Aboriginal people, within particular language groups, have their own
terminologies to describe these 'supernatural' forces. Overall, preserving health
and curing illness were, and are in many instances, important features of
Aboriginal life. The combination of health being viewed as a shared, public and
collective responsibility for all members of a group, becomes manifest in beliefs
and practices that range from performing a certain ritual, to the collection and
use of bush food and medicine to engender wellbeing. This approach differs
markedly from western medicine with its emphasis on an impersonal,
technological and disease-specific approach. Some of these complex matters
and the need to appreciate Aboriginal perspectives of health care, combined with
the lack of appropriate delivery care and resources, and the marginalised material
615
conditions still experienced by many Aboriginal people in this State in relation to
health, are reflected throughout the following material.
Health is a crucial factor in the present day quality of life of Aboriginal people.
More importantly the quality of life of Aboriginal people is the crucial factor in
detennining the health of the Aboriginal community. If we consider the people
who come within the Tenns of Reference of the Commission, it is immediately
obvious that ill-health is a common link. In this section the broader perspectives
of health and the Aboriginal community are considered. It is intended to discuss
the deaths in custody in relation to the poor health status within the Aboriginal
community, and the consequent high incidence of Aboriginal deaths outside
custody so that a clear connection can be made between them. Establishing the
deaths in this context is essential if the structural detenninants of ill-health, and
hence premature death, are to be addressed. These include the socio-cultural,
political and economic factors which detennine the lack or denial of access to
services, material resources, and empowennent.
At the time of colonisation the health of Aboriginal people was high when
compared with that of the British colonisers (National Aboriginal Health
Strategy, 1989; Swan, 1988; Kamien, 1980). This is in stark contrast to the
current health status within the Aboriginal community which has been described
as worse than any other world population for whom records exist (Health
Targets and Implementation Health For All Committee, 1988:2).
It is appropriate to consider what definition of health is being used, as there is
some diversity within the Aboriginal community regarding what is the
appropriate definition of health for their community or group. The World Health
Organisation (WHO) defines health as not just the absence of disease but a state
of complete physical, mental and social well being. The National Aboriginal
Health Strategy (NAHS) 1989, discusses the concept of health used by
Aboriginal people and concludes that an appropriate definition of health is:
616
Not just the physical well-being of the individual but the social, emotional, and cultural well-being of the whole community. This is a whole-of-life view and it also includes the cyclical concept of life-death-life [p. x].
The NAHS Working Party (NAHSWP) document goes on to comment, when
examining primary health care, that Aboriginal people should exercise
self-determination, and hence responsibility, 'with respect and regard for all'.
They contrast this with the specific agency style approach adopted by the wider
community and the way this has led to 'a pre-occupation with diseases and
organisations rather than with the underlying, often non-medical, causes of ill
health' (p.xi). This definition of health and approach to service provision is in
accord with the direction of the WHO over recent years with the Alma Ata
Declaration of 1977, the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (1986) and the
conference on Healthy Public Policy held in Adelaide (1988). Though some
governments and service providers are starting to use these broader definitions of
health to guide their approach to health care issues, the majority of health care is
still provided in the context of the curative/medical model of health.
14.1 Historical perspective
The current poor health status within the Aboriginal community can largely be
attributed to the extreme poverty and social and cultural deprivation resulting
from the oppression and dispossession which has occurred in Western Australia
since 1829. The failure of the non-Aboriginals to allow Aboriginal people to
continue maintenance of their own life style; the exposure to new introduced
diseases; the disruption of communities by forced relocation (Bassett-Scarfe,
RCIADIC Transcript, Albany, May 1990; Haebich, 1988:67,85,113,208-211);
and of family groups by the forced removal of children, resulted in marked
changes in health. This was compounded by the denial of access to basic
requirements for a healthy life namely: sustainable income, shelter, education,
basic resources (clean water, food) and services such as health care and waste
disposal (Swan, 1988). What is so often forgotten or overlooked in terms of
Aboriginal health is the importance of land for spiritual as well as material
617
welfare. If Aboriginal people did require health care there was no guarantee that
they would receive it, owing to the absence of health services near them, the
inability to pay for services, and the reluctance to treat Aboriginal people.
Haebich (1988:143-144) records the increasing denial of access to hospital
facilities from 1911 on with some hospitals providing only tent accommodation,
some providing 'out patient' services only, and some requiring seriously ill
Aboriginal people to be accommodated in the local gaol. This led to the
development of poorly resourced health care facilities solely for the Aboriginal
community. By 1935 there were only three local hospitals which Aboriginal
people had sure access to in Western Australia: Wyndham, Broome and the
leprosarium at Derby (Haebich, 1988; Saggers and Gray, 1990).
Despite government's early attempts at imposing assimilation policies on the
Aboriginal community as early as 1939, it was not until 1951 that this was
accepted as official government policy. With the substitution of assimilation for
segregation, access to health services was more at the 'whim' (or prejudice) of
the provider or institution. In the 1960s it was not uncommon for Aboriginal
people to wait in separate segregated waiting rooms before seeing the doctor, or
to be refused service (Saggers and Gray, 1990). Even in the 1980s there were
stories of Aboriginal people in the south-west having to wait in separate areas if
they wished to see the local doctor. In some isolated country towns, up until
1990, Aboriginal people were required to travel some 75kms to the next town in
order to see a doctor (RCIADIC Transcript, Gnowangerup, May 1990). People
living in remote communities today are still reliant on fortnightly visits provided
by the Royal Flying Doctor Service (RFDS) (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990).
In 1973 the Commonwealth Department of Health and the Department of
Aboriginal Affairs (DAA) proposed a National Plan for Aboriginal Health which
aimed to remove the inequities in health between the Aboriginal community and
the wider community by 1983. Despite this and the recommendations of the
House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs, prioritising
618
strategies to address some of the health inequalities, communities and groups still
do not have access to clean water, let alone other basic services important to
ensure health is maintained (NAHSWP 1989, Lord St camp, RCIADIC
Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990).
14.2 Current health status
There has been a significant improvement in some of the markers used to
measure health status. However, infant mortality is still up to three times that of
the wider community, life expectancy at birth remains twenty years less than that
of the wider community (the average age at death of the people whom the Royal
Commission is primarily investigating in Western Australia is 32 .5 years), death
rates are up to four times greater and the incidence of nearly every disease is
greater than in the wider community (NAHS, 1989; Health Department of
Western Australia, 1990).
Information supplied by the Health Department of Western Australia includes the
view that Aboriginal health has not improved during the 1980s. However, an
indication of the inaccuracies in the current state of Aboriginal health statistics,
can be seen in the variation of the infonnation supplied to the Commission by
Health Department of Western Australia regarding the incidence of suicide in the
Aboriginal community. On 20 March 1990, the Health Department of Western
Australia's Director of Epidemiology wrote to the Commission stating that eleven
Aboriginal people had committed suicide in the period 1983-1988. The
Department's later response to specific questions in July 1990, included the
statement that there had been twenty-one suicides in the Kimberley alone during
the 1980s. It is significant to note that seventeen of these suicides occurred
before 1988, and eight after 1988.
A recent report by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC)
states that the rate of tuberculosis in some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
communities is up to 20 to 50 times the rate of the wider population (The Age
619
Newspaper, 12 July 1990:6). Some health problems may not be immediately
obvious but have a significant impact on the person affected. Recently the State
Wide Ear Health Advisory Committee (SWEHAC) conducted a survey of ear
problems in two Aboriginal communities. They found that 45% of children and
36% of adults in Wiluna, and 40% of children and 45% of adults in La Grange,
had significant ear health problems (perforation or hearing loss) in at least one ear
(SWEHAC, 1989). The consequences of hearing loss and access to education
are obvious.
It is important to observe that the data collected to date does not address the issue
of well-being as a marker for ill-health. Current data collection is oriented
around defined diseases, and tends to be based on health service/client contact.
Consequently, it has limitations as far as accuracy is concerned. The readily
available data regarding health status consists of hospital separation (discharge)
data, death certificates, data from other health agency/client contact or
occasionally from population surveys. The latter give the most accurate
information but are expensive and time consuming and are usually performed in
small 'representative' sample populations and then extrapolated, rather than in
the whole population, which can often prove to be unreliable (see
e.g. Streatfield, 1990).
Hospital or other health agency/client contact data only provides information on
the client population that they actually have contact with and depends on what the
health care worker records. These tend to result in underestimations of illness
patterns due to the failure of the providers to access all those in need within a
community and also because only the major health problems dealt with at the time
of contact are usually recorded. Death certificates again underestimate the true
ill-health patterns in the population, as they usually only include the major health
problems suffered by a person around the time of death, at best, or an inaccurate
cause of death at worst. There are also problems with the date that death
certificates are actually lodged and recorded. There can be up to a 20% error in
the date of registration of a death compared with the actual date of death. For
620
example in a current mortality survey being conducted in Western Australia one
death, which occurred in 1984, was not registered until1989.
Another difficulty with Aboriginal health statistics is who defines a person's
Aboriginality. With both health agency/client contact data and death certificates,
this person is usually the health care worker, and is often based on skin colour
rather than the person's own identification as Aboriginal. A significant point is
that Aboriginality has only been recorded on death certificates since 1983.
In keeping with the definition of health used by the NAHSWP, it is appropriate
to monitor health outcomes in a manner consistent with that definition. Namely,
it is inappropriate to say there is less of a certain disease or group of diseases and
hence conclude that health is improving if the social or cultural well-being of the
community is deteriorating and not being monitored, or commented on.
There is substantial evidence in the lives of Aboriginal people to support the
correlation between socio-economic status and health status. The difficulties of
trying to maintain one's health, when the basic necessities of life are not readily
accessible, and are often denied, has been a recurrent theme in the community
consultations conducted by the Commission. Issues such as poverty,
overcrowding, unemployment, lack of access to mainstream services, as well as
poor resourcing of existing Aboriginal and some mainstream services were
frequently raised.
The Black Report (1980) concludes that unequal health status can only be
understood in relation to social factors such as poverty and poor working
conditions. This report supports the notion that just the provision of seiVices and
the removal of the economic constraints on access to health care, via the free
National Health Service, is not enough to remove the inequities in health. Whilst
there continues to be a relative deprivation there will continue to be inequalities in
health. McMichael (1987) comments on the same trends existing in Australia,
with social factors being the strongest determinants of health. His analysis of
621
Australian mortality figures shows a consistent correlation between poverty and
almost all cause of death categories. When considering morbidity (illness)
figures, poor health again correlates with social class. In particular there is a very
strong connection between unemployment and mental health. Employment does
more than merely provide the material resources for existence. It also impacts on
self-esteem and social identity. Consequently unemployment may cause anxiety,
depression, loss of self-esteem and increased suicide rates. It has been shown
that even short term unemployment can have long term negative impacts on
health, let alone the effects of chronic unemployment which is common in the
Aboriginal community.
The issues concerning denial of employment should be clear from the earlier
section. However figures from 'Health for all Australians' (1988), show that
53% of the Aboriginal community in Australia are dependent on income from the
Department of Social Security (DSS), compared with only 11% of the
non-Aboriginal community. Of the people who are central to this Commission,
those who died in custody in Western Australia, most were in receipt of some
form of income from DSS. The preceding discussion should not be interpreted
in a simplistic manner. The provision of employment alone, as with the
provision of health services alone, will not address the poor health status and
must always be considered in that context. Any consideration of employment
opportunities for Aboriginal people needs to include, what is appropriate
employment in an Aboriginal context. The ability to be able to meet ones social
and cultural obligations must be accommodated.
There has been much comment recently about the increasing incidence of
'lifestyle' diseases within the Aboriginal community. These include such things
as cardiovascular disease, diabetes (up to eight times more common in the
Aboriginal community) and high blood pressure (more than twice as common).
There has not been sufficient comment as to the reasons for this increase. It is
important to place this change in health patterns in terms of increasing social
622
inequalities. Then an understanding of the structural economic detenninants of
this are more readily recognised. Otherwise it is too easy for commentators to
blame the victims of these changing health patterns and ignore the unequal power
relations which exist between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal society.
14.3 Service delivery
Many Aboriginal people don't feel that they can access mainstream services and indeed they've been made to feel that way [RCIADIC Transcript, Albany, 1990:291].
Nyoongars tend not to approach hospitals unless they are very sick. There is a psychological distance, which is as great in its effect as the geographical distance experienced by Aborigines in the north of the State [Wilkes in Choo, 1990:64].
Community based, community controlled Aboriginal Health Services (AHSs)
have largely developed in response to the inequality in health status of Aboriginal
people, when compared with the rest of the Australian population, and the
inequity in access to mainstream services.
In 1971 the first community controlled Aboriginal Health Service commenced
operation in Redfern, Sydney. In Western Australia the Perth Aboriginal
Medical Service was the first and commenced operations in East Perth in 1973.
Currently there are 64 AHSs funded via the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Commission (ATSIC) (formerly Department of Aboriginal Affairs (DAA)). The
overriding role of these Services is to provide broad-based culturally appropriate
services which enable the local community to be in control of the Service. AHSs
attempt to approach health care issues at the curative, educative and preventative
level as well as advocating for social change. It was the conclusion of the
NAHSWP that the variation in political and philosophical approaches to health
between the Federal and State governments and the Aboriginal communities had
led to the uneven development and promotion of programmes in Aboriginal
health and well-being. Consequently there have developed inequalities in access
to community based services depending on where people live. It has also led to
623
the ongoing battle the AHSs engage in for continued or increased funding to meet
their perceived needs.
The demands made by DAA for AHSs to justify ongoing funding by
performance indicators which relate to changes in disease patterns and numbers
of client-service contacts, rather than in community development terms, means
that there is a continuing ideological division between the service providers and
the principal funding body. The recent history of the AHS in Roebourne reflects
this. The need for appropriate and acceptable health services for the Roebourne
Aboriginal community was accepted by DAA when they agreed to fund the
Marwankarra Health Service from 1983. However, as a result of a review, the
Marwankarra Health Service had its funding cut in 1989 by DAA who told them
which staff to sack and what services they could no longer provide, including
ceasing to fund the doctor's salary. The staff positions following the sackings
were not filled in order to make savings to cover the budget over run. They now
have to rely on Medicare rebates for the doctor's position which is staffed for six
hours a week by a doctor from Wickham, some 30 kms away. They have had to
cut back on maintenance for vehicles (all five of which are 5 years old and can
not be replaced, due to DAA's refusal to fund capital costs). DAA also split the
funding into a health centre and an alcohol centre without informing the Service
(E. Tierney, Mawarnkarra Health Service, RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume,
1990:313-16). DAA's justification for ceasing the funding for the doctor's
salary, following the review, included that the position represented duplication of
existing mainstream services (RCIADIC Transcript, Roebourne, 1990:409).
A further example of the failure of funding bodies to understand the broader
issues involved in the value of community controlled services is the comment at
the RCIADIC Roebourne conference, by an ATSIC employee, that the
community should try to encourage the Health Department of Western Australia
to get its doctor to work in with the AHS more (RCIADIC Transcript,
1990:428-9). It should be noted that mainstream services do not usually equal
community controlled services in their ability to empower workers or consumers,
624
nor in their ability to provide an appropriate service which is flexible and more
readily responsive to community demand. It would seem more appropriate that if
the funding body has difficulty with the way a community organisation utilises
its funds, they should provide support to enable a community to initiate more
appropriate utilisation, or fund the agency adequately so that the community's
needs may be more readily met. This would be consistent with the WHO's
philosophy on appropriate methods for effective primary health care service
delivery. Another difficulty AHSs have is the time it can take to convince
funding bodies of the need for their service. For example, the Geraldton
Regional Aboriginal Medical Service (GRAMS) operated for two years with
voluntary workers before funding was approved (RCIADIC Transcript,
Gerald ton, 1990:21 ). The staff from AHSs commented on the need for
additional resources so that they could more adequately service their
communities. Discussion provided in the next Section (14.4) regarding NAHS
funding needs to be considered in light of these comments.
The difficulty in obtaining adequate resources to operate community based health
services is not restricted to Aboriginal groups, as highlighted by the battle of the
Multi-Cultural Women's Health Centre in Fremantle. It took three and a half
years of voluntary work before they received any funding (for one full time
worker, a half time receptionist and a nurse for three days a week). They have
been lobbying for some time to get funding for an Aboriginal worker with no
success (RCIADIC Transcript, 1990:208-1 0).
The Aboriginal Health Services incorporate Aboriginal belief systems and
concepts of health and illness into their style of operation, and hence achieve a
much greater degree of success in acceptance by members of the Aboriginal
community with whom they work. They aim to be multipurpose resource
centres, with health rather than medicine as the focus , which are community
controlled via participation of the local community. They tend to approach health
in a broad perspective and in community development terms (RCIADIC
Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990). Some of the benefits are: a service which is
625
acceptable and accessible to the community it serves; the holistic approach to
health which means more of a person's issues are dealt with, rather than just the
presenting complaint; some prevention of overt or covert racism by staff;
prevention of unethical behaviour; a social and cultural awareness of the people
they serve; avoidance of inaccurate diagnoses due to erroneous presumptions
about ways of living; provision of cultural support to its community; having as a
priority the raising of the community's health status; provision of education,
employment and training to the Aboriginal community; flexibility to
accommodate changing needs (RCIADIC Transcript, Roe bourne, 1990: 313;
RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:369).
Some simple examples of how AHSs remove some of the barriers to access to
health services are: not using an appointment system for most of their services;
employing a majority of Aboriginal staff; and not charging clients or, if they are
required to as part of their funding requirement, bulkbilling for all their clients.
Most AHSs use and respect traditional Aboriginal health practices. There is a
great variation between the individual AHSs depending on the community which
runs it. One of the advantages of having local community based services is that
they can provide services in a manner which is desired by the community, and
hence they are more likely to be utilised by them. However one of the biggest
restrictions on the type of services offered by AHSs is what the funding agency
will fund. For example, the inability of the Marwankarra AHS to employ a
doctor; the ten year battle by the Perth Aboriginal Medical Service (PAMS) to
obtain funding for a dental clinic despite the precedent in some AHSs in other
states; and the difficulty experienced by most Services obtaining funds to employ
sufficient Aboriginal Health Workers (AHWs) to meet the communities' needs.
Sorrie AHSs in Western Australia call themselves Medical rather than Health
Services. This could be interpreted to reflect the style of service provided
i.e. more of a medical model style vs the broader approach favoured by those
who use a broad definition of health. However it seems to be an historical
artifact which individual health services have not seen as a priority to change. It
is important to be aware of the role that doctors and other non-Aboriginal staff
626
play in the AHSs. In some services the doctor/s exert their influence and tend to
control the direction of the service and its interaction with the community. This
power may be given to, or assumed by, the non-Aboriginal professionals in
AHSs. O'Connor (1988) comments on this occurring with the Wiluna AHS.
During the Commission's Broome conference the following comments were
made:
Our medical director said that the job was getting too big for the individual services so we should have a body that would administrate the secretarial and all the financial side of the AMSs for looking after money and writing letters and submissions and this sort of thing [RCIADIC Transcript, Broome, 1990: 13]; And, we usually get our directions from the medical director which is our leading light [RCIADIC Transcript, Broome,
1990:14 ].
This may be acceptable if the doctor is using a social model of health. However
if a more narrow approach is being followed (such as the medical model) then
the most likely consequence is the community being less able to maintain control
of the direction of the service. Certainly at the least there is a reinforcement of
the powerlessness within the service and the community and the much greater
chance of developing conflicts between the doctor and the AHS administration.
It is vital for the community to maintain effective power within the AHS. This is
one of the tenets of the reorientation of health services as outlined in the Ottawa
Charter for Health Promotion, the WHO Health For All programme and the
NAHSWP report.
There are also criticisms of the Aboriginal Health Services within the State.
Some of these arise from basic ideological conflicts with the notion of the need
for so called 'separate' services for the Aboriginal community. The word
'duplication' was frequently used by critics of the AHSs. The reality is, as stated
in the transcripts of the Carnarvon Conference, if mainstream services were
meeting Aboriginal health needs, then why is the health status of Aboriginal
people so poor and why do all AHSs report the inability to meet the demand
placed on their services? Another issue is, if mainstream services meet the needs
627
of the wider community so well, why do so many non-Aboriginal people utilise
the services of AHSs, in particular, Broome Regional Aboriginal Medical Service
(BRAMS) and GRAMS (RCIADIC Transcripts, Broome and Geraldton, 1990).
Certainly the AHSs need to acknowledge that there is room for improvement in
the quality of the service they provide. The absence of 'in-service' style training;
the absence of orientation programmes for new staff (especially for non
Aboriginal staff); the inability to meet community demands due to insufficient
resourcing; the need to ensure that clients have ready access to health care
workers of the sex of their choosing; and the occasional refusal to comply with
clients' requests regarding medico-legal matters, are some of the issues
mentioned during the Commission's consultation process (RCIADIC Broome,
Geraldton, Roeboume and Perth Transcripts, 1990).
The use of AHSs by non-Aboriginal people can create a potential problem of
Aboriginal people having to compete with non-Aboriginal people for service at an
AHS. Despite the claims of ATSIC (1989), there are still significant numbers in
the Aboriginal community in Western Australia who do not have ready access to
a community controlled health service (e.g. the south-west, central desert,
Fitzroy Crossing, Wiluna). Considering the poverty that exists in these areas it
is unrealistic to expect people in need of health care to travel any distance to
available health care (see e.g. Toussaint, 1989:30-35, regarding socio-economic
indicators for Fitzroy Crossing). It is also against the Alma Ata Declaration
(1978) which states that for primary health services to be effective, they should
not only be affordable, appropriate and acceptable, but also accessible, as well as
having community input.
The need for a National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health organisation as
stated in the NAHS and supported by the Aboriginal Health Development Group
Report is an important structural step to enable AHSs to support each other,
share information, prioritise needs and directions. This will need to be resourced
as it would have a separate role to the proposed Council of Aboriginal Health
(CAH) and Office of Aboriginal Health (OAH). Similarly, there is a need for the
628
State community controlled Aboriginal health services organisations to be
adequately resourced. The consequent support, information sharing and
identification of priority need and directions would not be fulfilled by the
proposed State Triparite Forum. The role of the forum should be broader and be
more involved in promoting and resolving issues related to intersectoral
co-operation (NAHS, p.40).
14.4 Aboriginal Health Workers and employment
There are two Aboriginal Health Worker Education schemes in the State. One is
run by the Health Department of Western Australia (HOW A) and the other is run
by the AHSs in the state. They follow different ideologies and educational
processes. The Health Department of Western Australia scheme is an in-service
style education programme for people employed as AHWs. The Aboriginal
Health Worker Education Programmes (AHWEPs) run by the AHSs tend to be
more oriented around skills and information sharing, to increase the level of
health awareness and, in some cases, advocacy skills, in the Aboriginal
community. The lack of resources in the AHSs, and in the Aboriginal
community in general, means that a lot of the graduates from the AHS AHWEPs
tend not to be employed in the AHSs nor in the Aboriginal community.
However many do go on to employment or further study following successful
completion of their courses (personal communication between Joan Winch and
Liz Gray, Perth Aboriginal Medical Service, 1989).
The Health Department of Western Australia employs AHWs throughout the
State. However, there are only 84 in the State, some of whom are part-time.
The career structure for AHWs employed by the Health Department is extremely
limited. They are covered by a separate award (Health Workers- Community
and Child Health Services Award, 1980) and may be employed as an AHW, an
AHW Special or a Regional Aboriginal Health Liaison Officer (RAHLO). There
are only 7 RAHLO positions in the State. They have no real supervisory role,
just a liaising one with the AHWs in their region (The AHW Review, 1986).
629
AHWs employed by AHSs are covered by a different Award (Aboriginal
Medical Services Employees' Award (Award No. A.26 of 1987)) which
provides for seven different levels of employment: 'Field Officer',
'Environmental Health Worker', 'Conditionally Registered Health Worker', 'A
Fully Certificated Health Worker', 'A Fully Certificated Health Worker -Medication Certificate Grade 1 ', 'A Fully Certificated Health Worker -Medication Certificate Grade 2' and 'Regional Health Co-ordinator'. The wages
for these jobs are incremented at five levels from year one to year eight and this
represents an income range from $361.80 to $662.00 per week. These wages
are the minimum under the award and do not include district allowance, outpost
availability allowance nor a supervisory allowance, all of which are included
under the A ward.
The Federated Miscellaneous Workers' Union of Australia (Western Australian
Branch) is the union responsible for the workers covered by both awards. In the
past the AHSs have adopted a rather loose approach to both employing people at
certain levels under the Award and ensuring that people are able to progress
along the career path available to their employees. Currently negotiations are
being conducted under the second stage of the award restructuring process to
ensure that there will be a commitment by the respective employers to enable
workers to proceed along the career path laid out in the A ward. The creation of a
career path under the Community and Child Health Services A ward is the aim of
the union (M. Nolan, Organisor, FMWU).
In considering the relative merits of the State AHW scheme vs the community
controlled AHW programmes, the different selection criteria for acceptance and
selection must be considered. The community controlled programme tends to
accept people who are nominated by their community and accept people with a
wide range of educational experience. They also concentrate on advocacy skills
as well as health education and service provision skills. This reflects their
understanding and commitment to the broader aspects of health. In comparison
the State programme has higher entrance requirements regarding educational
630
experience and there is little consultation with the local community re
acceptability of the AHW. In many centres there are only young women
employed as AHWs which has meant that some of the needs of men in the
community are not well served by the health worker. Similarly, in other areas
where there is a male health worker employed, women's needs are not
necessarily met by the AHW. Nathan and Japanangka (1983: 185) raise the same
issue of the perceived need by communities to have access to AHWs of both
sexes. Again the WHO Alma Ata Declaration must be considered. For a
primary health service to be effective it must be acceptable, affordable,
appropriate and accessible, as well as have community input.
The current situation regarding AHW education is another example of the
inability of state and community based programmes to reach mutual agreement.
The Centre for Aboriginal Studies at Curtin University, with the support and
co-operation of the Aboriginal Health Services has developed and had accredited
an Aboriginal Health Programme. The Centre has not been able to obtain the
resources to fund it and hence cannot run it (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth,
1990:151,162; RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:380). The support from
the AHSs is based on the level of Aboriginal control within the Centre and the
links it has with Curtin University, which will enable Aboriginal people to have
greater access to tertiary level education. The HDWA's preferred option is that
T AFE should provide AHW training (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:317).
The view of the Aboriginal Health Policy Review Team is that there should not
be a debate about who provides the education, rather there should be
accreditation of the courses which meet the required standard of education, and
Aboriginal people should decide which course they prefer to enrol in. This
debate is another example of the power of the State to determine what is 'right'
for Aboriginal people and hence, potentially, disempower access to a preferred
option.
In February 1990 the Health Department of Western Australia released a report
on the Aboriginal Environmental Health Programme with particular reference to
631
future directions for the employment of Aboriginal Environmental Health
Workers (AEHWs). This contained some recommendations encouraging
delineation of who is responsible for establishing the infrastructure necessary: a
patronising statement regarding educating the community management and the
AEHW on the operation and safe use of 'hygiene, cooking, heating, cooling and
water supply systems' (p.i); and recommendations regarding the education,
location, payment and career structure for AEHWs.
The report states that the single most important limiting factor in the inability of
the Aboriginal environmental health programme to achieve its goals in some
communities has been the inability of the communities to pay the AEHWs a
living wage (p.4). Perhaps more relevant is the Department's lack of
understanding of the true causes of the poor environmental health Aboriginal
people are confronted with. This is demonstrated in the introduction of the
report which includes the following:
Many Aboriginal people have not yet been taught the necessary skills and understandings to maintain a healthy dwelling or community settlement. Nor have many been able to acquire the necessary attitudes and beliefs that motivate people to make their homes and communities healthy places in which to live. Their parents did not have these skills, attitudes, and beliefs and so could not pass them on [p.l].
The issue of appropriate education and awareness of health care workers who
interact with Aboriginal people is crucial for the delivery of health services and
increases the likelihood of positive outcomes from interaction between the people
and the health care provider. As Toussaint (1989) has observed, the failure of
the health care system to meet the needs of Aboriginal people, primarily rests
with its cultural inappropriateness and inability to be sensitive to the
socio-economic constraints which daily impinge on Aboriginal people.
Community controlled health services address some of the issues related to this.
However, as noted earlier, the failure to ensure non-Aboriginal workers receive
appropriate education and orientation prior to commencing work with the AHSs,
or any other health care service, requires urgent action.
632
It is essential to ensure that each interaction between Aboriginal people and health
care services, is as free of paternalism and personal agendas as possible. This is
encapsulated in the WHO's Ottawa Charter on Health Promotion which states
that health services need to be reoriented toward the needs of the community, be
provided in a manner which fosters empowerment within the community, as well
as becoming accountable to the communities they serve. This reorientation needs
to occur so that the services provided are determined by the community and not
the providers. Such a reorientation would enable greater effectiveness and
acceptability of the health care service.
14.5 Aboriginal health and the Federal Government
Federal Government after Federal Government has been more concerned about its political relationship with states and territory rather than justice for Aboriginal people, and their moral rights [NAHS 1989:30].
It was observed earlier that following the 1967 Referendum the Federal Government has had the power to intervene in the states in the area of Aboriginal
health. Since the early 1970s the Federal Government has been providing
financial resources to the States and territories to community controlled
organisations. Currently this is via grants from ATSIC and the Department of
Community Services and Health (DCSH) to State Government departments
(either for direct health activities or for health related services such as housing,
water, waste disposal, power), to community controlled organisations, and via
Medicare directly to providers if they bulkbill, or to the consumer if not. Since
1984-85 there has been a decrease in the amount of money granted directly by
DANATSIC to the states for specifically Aboriginal hea!th service provision.
The HDWA received approximately $10 million which has progressively
decreased down to $2.4 million in 1989-90 and zero in 1990-91 (RCIADIC
Transcripts, Health Department of Western Australia response to questions,
1990). The money no longer provided direct to the Health Department was
supposed to be redirected to community based services or health-related
633
infrastructure. Only a small proportion was reallocated to Aboriginal community
controlled organisations.
The 1988-89 Annual Report ofDAA states that its objectives in health are:
To raise the standard of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health to that of the Australian community generally.
To ensure that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women's needs are reflected in, and that they have equitable access to, programmes as clients, staff and decision makers [p.84].
It goes on to say that the Department's strategy to achieve these objectives is to
promote:
- Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participation in the identification of health needs and of services;
- Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander access to, and acceptance of normal community health services;
- satisfactory environmental conditions, especially safe and adequate water supplies and waste disposal in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities; and
- the establishment, where the community desires, of community controlled health services that emphasise -Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander responsibility for, and -involvement in, the improvement of their own health [p.85].
These objectives and strategies seem sound on the surface but lack the basic
understanding of the economic inequalities that have led to the current state of
Aboriginal health. Consultation and enabling community control are laudable,
however the realities of implementation portrays a different picture.
The commitment of $49 million over 1989-90 and 1990-91 under the Priority
Communities Development Strategy to 'address the total infrastructure needs in
targetted communities in some of the most disadvantaged areas' (p.85), implies
imposition not consultation. Especially as $15.9 million was designated for
Thursday Island alone and the NAHSWP stated that in 1988 DAA estimated that
634
$112 million was required, just to provide adequate water supplies and waste
disposal to communities. The Aboriginal Health Development Group's (AHDG) ·
estimate for the amount needed, in November 1989, to address the current
shortfall in basic essential services (e.g. adequate housing and infrastructure
needs) within the Aboriginal community was $2.5 billion (AHDG, 1989:26).
Another example comes from the 1988-89 Annual Report of the Department of
Aboriginal Affairs:
As part of developing a national approach to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health needs, in 1988-89 the Government announced that $13.5m would be spent over two years on special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander initiatives. The original
allocation was for $6m in 1988-89 and $7.5m in 1989-90. This has been altered in order to meet the interim recommendations of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. The figures are now $4.3m in 1988-89 and $9.2m in 1989-90 [p.86].
Though the total amount is the same there is no detailed explanation as to why
the change in allocation. The need to consider power relations re-occurs here:
the question of who decides which services are provided, where, when and by
whom needs to be answered because, on the face of it, Aboriginal people seem
to have very little.
From the discussion above, and my Commission's research and investigation
process, it is obvious that many Aboriginal communities in the State still have
poor/unsafe/minimal water supplies. Indeed this is not just an issue relevant to
remote areas. It also applies in 'suburban' Perth. The Lord Street camp in
Lockridge did not have basic services (water and electricity) connected to the new
'accommodation', provided at the site in mid-1990 by the State Government.
Within a week of the transportable unit being located on site a person died in a
fire thought to have started from a candle used for lighting ('Police Probe Fatal
Blaze', The West Australian Newspaper, 23 May 1990).
The Equal Opportunity Commission in Western Australia released a report in
July 1990, commenting on the discrimination by various organisations in the
635
provision of essential services to Aboriginal communities, citing that this could
be exacerbating the health problems experienced within the Aboriginal
community. The report mentioned the State Energy Commission of Western
Australia (SECWA), the Health Department, the Water Authority, Local
Government, and the Main Roads Department. The Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission is currently conducting a national survey of the current
water resources available to Aboriginal groups and the needs which have yet to
be met. The results of this will be available toward the end of 1990.
In December 1987 the Commonwealth, State and Territory Ministers for
Aboriginal Affairs and Health responded to the lack of an agreed national
Aboriginal health strategy by establishing the National Aboriginal Health Strategy
Working Party. The terms of reference included:
⢠Report on Commonwealth/State and community funding arrangements, including financing of primary health care services and social health programmes in Aboriginal communities.
⢠Develop strategies to achieve improvements in the short and long term, taking into account specific health problems, health service provision, administrative and funding arrangements, Aboriginal participation, research and data collection, and ongoing monitoring.
⢠Develop strategies to maximise the involvement of Aboriginal people in their own health care. Consider intersectoral co-ordination including Commonwealth, State, local and health service agency responsibilities.
⢠Develop a mechanism to monitor progress towards achieving targets, taking into account performance indicators developed as part of the policy.
In preparing the report the working party undertook an extensive consultation
with Aboriginal communities and groups throughout Australia and recommended
a detailed strategy to address Aboriginal health issues in Australia. Some of the
recommendations included strategies to ensure co-ordination of and community
input into policy determination, implementation and evaluation; an emphasis on
636
the need to address the structural causes of ill-health within the Aboriginal
community; mechanisms to ensure Aboriginal service delivery is appropriate,
adequately resourced and preferably provided by community controlled
organisations; and some specific recommendations regarding approaches to
specific health problems.
The Federal Government's response to the Report of the NAHSWP, at the
March 1989 meeting of the Commonwealth, State and Territory Minsters of
Health and Aboriginal Affairs, was to empower the AHDG to advise on
structural arrangements for dealing with matters raised in the report; prioritise the
areas for early action; develop funding guidelines; and to report by November
1989.
There are several points of concern with the establishment and recommendations
of the Development Group. The membership of the AHDG was comprised
mainly by senior officials of government departments (from the Department of
Community Services and Health, DAA and each of the states/territories) with
only one Aboriginal community representative. This is in direct conflict with
WHO ideology, regarding community input and control in effective health care
systems, and the whole thrust of the NAHS Report. The stated recognition of
the 'community disquiet' (AHDG, 1989:14) at this situation, and the supposed
consideration taken of any comments and suggestions from the community
representatives during the preparation of the AHDG Report, is far from
satisfactory. Its Report contained only 21 recommendations compared with the
much more detailed recommendations contained in the NAHS Report. The
AHDG recognises that it:
in no way is presenting a comprehensive plan of action to implement the NAHS [p.14].
It was thought more appropriate for the proposed Council of Aboriginal Health
(CAH) to address that task. Eight draft resolutions were presented to the
Brisbane Joint Ministers Forum in June 1990 and incorporated all of the AHDGs
637
recommendations, some for immediate implementation (Recommendations 1 ,2,
14,18,19,21) and referred others for either the proposed CAH (Recommendation
13), ATSIC (Recommendations 3,4,6 (modified),?) or the State!ferritory
Tripartite Forums (Recommendations 7,8,9,10,11,12,15,16,17,20) to address.
The proposed structure of the CAH with a majority of Aboriginal members (17
out of 29) is an important issue. The resolution at the Brisbane meeting only
stated that the Aboriginal representatives should come from each of the ATSIC
zones. The Aboriginal Advisory Group's view that they should come from
Aboriginal community controlled organisations with a health service delivery
function needs addressing. Also the representation of the Department of
Community Services and Health, A TSIC, Department of Employment Education
and Training, State and Terfitory governments does not incorporate a mechanism
to ensure that co-operation by other departments or groups (e.g. Defence,
Mining, Industry, Immigration, Environment, Pastoral Industry) via an
intersectoral approach will occur. If an overall social health model was adopted
by governments then it would be easier to ensure this cooperation if particular
groups or departments were reluctant to assume responsibility for the health
consequences of their actions.
The proposed State!ferritory Tripartite Forums provide a mechanism to ensure
that consultation, cooperation and co-ordination occurs at a State!ferritory level
and that a true intersectoral approach to the issues occurs. The suggested role of
the Forums to oversee the implementation of the Strategy, ensure intersectoral
collaboration regarding policy and impact, and to complement the role of the
CAH, is accepted and essential. However, as implied by the Aboriginal
Advisory Group (AAG), the failure to state the proposed composition of these
forums, except to say that it should include Federal, State!ferritory and
Aboriginal representation, could lead to inequity in representation of Aboriginal
groups between states. It is essential that, like the CAH, the forums provide the
opportunity for major Aboriginal representation, and again that representation
should be from community controlled organisations involved in health service
638
delivery, so that the communities' health needs are fully recognised. The
importance of Local Government in service delivery, or the lack of service
delivery, needs to be addressed, and inclusion of them in the 'Tripartite forum'
may be a mechanism to ensure this occurs.
The need for adequate resourcing of existing AHSs and the establishment of
new, community controlled Aboriginal Health Services as highlighted in the
NAHS, the AHDG report, and the resolutions of the Brisbane meeting, should
be implemented as a matter of urgency. This is a key issue, as it is not only the
provision of health services that needs to be addressed, but the provision of
adequately resourced, accessible and appropriate health services (WHO, 1978;
Atkinson and Gray, 1990). Indeed the Western Australian Aboriginal Health
Policy Review Team is of the opinion that inadequate resourcing is a significant
cause of wastage of funds. The modification of the AHDG Recommendation 6
from consultation with existing AHSs concerning their immediate needs, to
consultation with the Tripartite Forums, seems to be a filtering mechanism to
enable the decision of relative needs to be imposed, which may result in some
AHSs not being adequately resourced. The cost of $14 million for 1990-91 and
$5 million 1991-92 and thereafter implies that the need is there, and recognises
that any delay tactics must be viewed with scepticism. The AAG notes that it
was not the intention of the NAHS that the Tripartite Forums vet community
initiatives, rather they should be promoting and resolving issues related to
intersectoral cooperation (NAHS, p.40).
The stated intention to enable greater community input into developing and
implementing appropriate strategies to address the ill-health problems in
Aboriginal communities, seems at odds with the apparent reluctance to consult
directly with the community based organisations who have an intimate
understanding of the needs. It could be assumed that this is a paternalistic
attempt by decision makers to ensure that some control is kept in the decision
making process.
639
The proposal to establish an Office of Aboriginal Health (OAH) within ATSIC is
a recommendation of the NAHSWP (p.39), which included the condition that it
be appropriately resourced, and include health expertise, and that it be created by
amending the ATSIC Act (1989). The decision not to follow the NAHS
recommendation that there be an amendment to the A TSIC Act 1989 to include
this, means that the continuity of the OAH rests with the ATSIC Commissioners
and with the government of the day. This is rather tenuous and could lead to
health no longer being a priority, depending on political vagaries. The question
of who determines what is appropriate resourcing or health expertise is not
addressed by the resolutions.
There has been a delay in the implementation of the recommendation of both the
NAHS (p.206) and recommendations from the RCIADIC Interim Report (p.31),
that a national task force be set up to address the broad issues related to alcohol
use, and how to address those issues in both the long and short term. The
reason for this cited in recommendation 13 of the AHDG, restated in the
Resolutions of the Brisbane Meeting, is to await the presentation of this report of
my Commission. No definite reasons for the delay in implementation of this
recommendation have been forthcoming.
The recommendations of the AHDG regarding data collection and research are a
somewhat diluted version of the NAHS recommendations. The NAHS
emphasises a broad approach to monitoring and evaluation. The argument for
qualitative information and not just quantitative data is strong. The importance of
appropriate information collection is stressed (e.g. DAA tried to impose
'Performance Indicators' on AHSs, which were thought to place excessive
demands on the Services, and not provide useful information for improving the
service delivered). As the NAHS definition of health incorporates well-being,
equity and social justice, so should any mechanism which monitors the quality
and outcomes of a service. The simple monitoring of disease incidence only
provides part of the story. Unfortunately the resolutions adopted at the Brisbane
Forum, opt for the simplistic approach of health statistics only and ignore the
640
wider issues mentioned above. The proposal is to provide more resources to the
Australian Institute of Health (AIH) to enable them to fulfil this role.
The research and data collection recommendations contained in the Resolutions
adopted at the Brisbane Joint Ministers meeting again represent a watering down
of the original NAHS intention. The NHMRC recommendation indicates an
intention to give Aboriginal health research a higher priority, however they do
not address the issues of ethical approval for research to proceed; consultation
with communities prior to, during and after the research; consent; participation of
the community in the research; social, gender and cultural issues; ownership of
the product of the research; and exploitation of the communities' resources, all of
which are addressed in the NAHS Report. The NHMRC proposes to 'earmark a
sum of money for Aboriginal health research'. The NAHS recommendation is
more equitable, with a fixed proportion of NHMRC research funds being
committed to Aboriginal health research plus a certain amount to be given to
Community Controlled Aboriginal Health Services to participate in research.
Overall the resolutions as put to the Joint Ministers Forum represent a
progressive step in the Aboriginal health arena but they fail to uniformly address
the issues of equity and consultation as outlined above. The inconsistencies
could be a reflection of the entrenched positions of some of the players in the area
such as health statisticians, researchers and bureaucrats. There is still some way
to go before community input into policy formulation, implementation and
monitoring, as espoused by the WHO in its policies on effective primary health
care, can be said to be a reality in Aboriginal health.
A review of the Objects of the ATSIC Act 1989 (Section 3) shows that the Act
recognises the dispossession that Aboriginal people have suffered, and that the
present position of Aboriginal people in Australia is one of disadvantage. The
Act refers to furthering the economic, social and cultural development of
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders (Section 3). However, despite the Federal
Government's Social Justice Strategy, neither social justice nor health service
641
provision or strategy is addressed as a topic in the Act. Considering that the
Department of Aboriginal Affairs has had sole responsibility for funding
Aboriginal health initiatives, except for Medicare payments, since 1984, this
would seem to be a major deficiency in the legislation.
Section 18(1) allows for loans or grants for 'the purpose of furthering the social,
economic or cultural development of Aboriginal persons or Torres Strait
Islanders'. This is the only Section which enables on-going funding to AHSs,
though there are provisions under Section 14 and Section 15 for granting of
property or funds for the acquisition of property to Aboriginal or Torres Strait
Islander corporations. As noted earlier, the NAHSWP recommended that the
A TSIC Act be amended to include an Office of Aboriginal Health (p.39). The
current wording of Section 18 of the Act allows for ATSIC to determine, in its
judgement, what is appropriate for furthering 'social, economic or cultural
development'. If health is not perceived to be fundamental to this development
then, in my Commission's view, the continuation of the past under-resourcing of
Aboriginal Health initiatives is possible.
The views put by the Department of Community Services and Health to this
Commission, at the July Heads of Government Department meetings, provide an
excellent example of the disparity between the perceptions of Government
Departments of the level of service provided by them and the reality experienced
by Aboriginal people. The DCSH is involved in a wide range of activities which
have a potential impact on Aboriginal people, including: hostel care for those
who are 'elderly' or disabled; Home and Community Care (funding only,
scheme is managed by the State); research funding (Research and Development
Grants Advisory Committee (RADGAC) and the AIH); housing via the Joint
State Commonwealth Housing Agreement and the Supported Accommodation
Assistance Plan; hearing services via the National Acoustic Laboratory;
emergency relief grants; provision of Commonwealth Medical Officers (now the
Australian Government Medical Service) who conduct medical examinations for
the Department of Social Security to help determine 'benefit' eligibility; and child
642
care ($15 million to Western Australia of which $1.9 million is allocated for
Aboriginal child care).
Despite the Department's relatively small direct client contact, most of its work is
through funding other agencies. They are attempting to address the issue of lack
of understanding amongst their workers by developing some courses in
Aboriginal cultural awareness for non-Aboriginal employees; increasing the
number of Aboriginal employees; running workshops to develop better
mechanisms for community consultation (three to date); and trying to broaden
workers' perspectives so that an entire community's needs are recognised rather
than being specifically focussed on single issues. The impression the DCSH
representatives portrayed to the Commission was that, in general, the services
they were providing met the needs of most of the Aboriginal community in
Western Australia. Their example that the five new hostels in Roebourne,
Turkey Creek, Fitzroy Crossing, Broome and Wyndham, meant that the north of
the State was well covered for hostel style accommodation for the aged, revealed
a considerable divergence from the reality.
Finally, a recent media release from current ATSIC Chairperson advised that:
unfortunately the 1990-91 Federal Budget does not allow any funds for the implementation of the National Aboriginal Health Services [O'Donoghue, Challenge for ATSIC, 22 August 1990].
As noted earlier, these sorts of delays and obstructions in relation to Aboriginal
health can be considered with some scepticism and concern by Aboriginal
people. If there are other policy alternatives or options, I was not aware of them.
643
14.6 Aboriginal health and the State Government
In May 1990 the Health Department of Western Australia released its first
strategic plan covering 1989-1990. This 315 page document defines the purpose
of the Health Department of Western Australia as being:
To protect, promote and restore health, and to provide care for the sick and disabled through the delivery of high-quality health care and efficient health services to the people of Western Australia [HDWA Report, 1990:3].
These objectives espouse the promotion of health and the prevention and
treatment of ill health, the provision of obstetric services, rehabilitation for those
who are disabled, and to provide continuing care for those with chronic ill health
or disability. The principles for achieving the stated objectives include equity of
access to services; highest quality service; understanding and responsiveness to
community needs; consultation with the 'public' re policy and programmes; co
operation with other agencies in planning, maintaining and improving services;
and support of education of health care providers.
The Commissioner of Health's inaugural address quotes the WHO definition of
health as:
Not just the absence of disease but a state of complete physical, mental and social well being [Extract included in HDW A, A Plan For Health, 1990:10].
The Commissioner goes on to recognise the important role that other sectors play
in the determination of health within the community. However, he then proceeds
to justify the limiting of the Health Department's role to the reduction of disease
because it is easy to measure the changes in incidence and hence monitor
programme effectiveness; 'positive health is, by contrast, a concept the
measurement of which has proved elusive' (ibid).
644
In my Commission's view, it is difficult to understand why the opportunity to set
the agenda in health in Western Australia by strongly adopting the social model
of health and making it a much larger underlying premise of the strategic plan
was not taken. This reinforces the conclusions of the NAHSWP that the common
assumption in the non-Aboriginal community is that health 'is the domain of the
specific agencies established to provide care' (p.x). For example the GP, the
specialist, the Health Department or the hospital are the main places people
should access health care and they are 'expected to do what was required to make
people healthy' (p.x). This has led sectors of government instrumentalities to
have 'a pre-occupation with diseases and organisations rather than the underlying
non-medical causes of ill-health' (NAHS, p.xi).
Though Aboriginal health status is well recognised as being the worst of any
sector of the community, the Health Department of Western Australia appears not
to address it as the priority issue that others in the community consider it to be.
The response of the Cabinet Aboriginal Affairs Sub-Committee to the release of
the report of the NAHSWP and a Health Department of Western Australia
submission to the SubCommittee that 'Aboriginal health was under control' was
to establish yet another review of Aboriginal health (Dennis Gray, Evidence to
the Commission, 18 July 1990). The Western Australian Aboriginal Health
Policy Review is currently being conducted by David Atkinson and Dennis
Gray. It is significant that this review was prompted by the government rather
than the Health Department of Western Australia. Considering the great
emphasis placed on co-ordination of services and approaches in the NAHS,
1989 and the increased emphasis on community consultation, participation and
intersectoral approaches by the Health Department of Western Australia in its
Strategic Plan, it is hard not to interpret the Department's atti tude as a lack of
resolve to appropriately address the Aboriginal health inequalities in Western
Australia.
In the Health Department of Western Australia Strategic Plan Aboriginal health
seems to be far from a priority. Some attempt at raising the profile of Aboriginal
645
health has been made by establishing the Aboriginal Health Policy Unit in
January 1990. However, rather than this unit reporting direct to the
Commissioner or the Minister, it is placed under the Assistant Commissioner of
Policy and Planning. There has been considerable discussion about the size of
the unit (four people) and the people appointed to the positions. In the
programme classification Aboriginal health initiatives appear last in three of the
four programmes.
The role of the Aboriginal Health Policy Unit is: To develop strategies and to
develop policies that are State wide and also provide plans of delivery for
appropriate and accessible and acceptable health programmes for Aboriginal
people across the diversity of cultures that exist within this state'. Programme
401 and programme corporate services 1108 of 'A Plan For Health' are referred
to as specific examples of HDW A Aboriginal health programmes. The aim is to
have greater Aboriginal employment in the department; greater community
consultation; greater communication between the Health Department and
Aboriginal Health Services and other agencies involved in health care delivery in
the Aboriginal community; improve service delivery via better co-ordination of
Health Department of Western Australia activities; greater support for the
environmental health worker programme; and encourage the acceptance of
Aboriginal medical students via special entry provisions into the University of
Western Australia; looking at Aboriginal youth health needs and services; and
commitment to the tripartite forums which flow from the June Joint Ministers
Forum (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:304-7). These aims sound
impressive but the realities of policy and ideals versus the implementation and
attitudes of those who actually have contact with Aboriginal people in the
community is quite different. The possibility of a small policy unit to influence
attitudes in the whole of a large bureaucracy is remote (Atkinson and Gray,
Evidence to the RCIADIC, 1990). On making these remarks, I realise this may
be a long term strategy that has yet to really prove its value.
646
The Commissioner of Health acknowledged that in the past the attitude of
departmental staff towards Aboriginal people had been less than ideal but that it
had improved considerably recently. The consultation process undertaken by the
Commission revealed a less than satisfactory situation. Indeed the Regional
Director of the Geraldton Mid-West Region refused to allow Community and
Child Health Service staff to attend the regional conferences in Carnarvon and
Geraldton. At the Conferences a number of comments made by Departmental
staff revealed some significant misconceptions regarding Aboriginal people and
frequently a victim blaming attitude. For example:
1. The perception, of the hospital Administrator, that there is no need for an Aboriginal Liaison Officer (ALO) at Albany Regional Hospital due to the small number of Aboriginal people who have contact with the hospital as either inpatients or in the outpatient clinics. Yet the issue had been raised to the Administrator of ARH in a phone call from Minister Pam
Buchanan's office a few days earlier in which it was stated there was a perception in the local Aboriginal community of being poorly treated at the hospital [Transcript, Albany, May 1990:119].
2. A Community Health Nurse in commenting on hygiene being a problem within the Aboriginal community stated: 'We do an ongoing education programme in Aboriginal families - washing hands after the toilet, washing hands before preparing food - this kind of thing ... the programmes we run here are just really on a one to one basis which we feel is the best way of getting things across'. Later she
admitted to be talking about 3 or 4 families out of a population of about 500 [RCIADIC Albany Transcript, 1990:121-122]. This is an example of 'describe one and colour them all' and the single issue approach alluded to earlier. The orientation for the rest of the Aboriginal community who were not members of these particular families was not stated. Where is the combined educative, preventive, curative and empowering process recognised as being the most effective?
3. . .. those three families would be the focus of three-quarters of government agency funds in this area [L. Bassett-Scarfe, RCIADIC Albany Transcript, 1990: 137] .
4. Some Departmental staff acknowledged that band-aid care is inadequate in addressing the causes of ill-health but lacked an understanding of those causes. 'We do not. add:ess. the really deep psychological reasons for why the situatiOn IS as
647
it is' [Community Health nurse, Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:267].
5. A lot of them are not even intelligent enough to look at health the way we look at health ... [Senior regional employee, HOW A. Comment to The Western Australian Aboriginal Health Policy Review Team about Aboriginal people].
Some of the non-Aboriginal health care workers attitudes reflect the lack of
understanding in the wider community. Comments made during the regional
conferences included:
The Aborigines occupies a privileged position in his relationship to law and order [RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, 1990:110].
In response to a question about the lack of self esteem: The fundamental difficulty lies in the understanding of the social background say, of Aboriginal people. I can't imagine that thousands of years living under a certain social system, if I can use a .. . apply to it, that the genes that have been generated, the tendencies, the attitudes, the traditions and everything else that go with Aboriginal living are embedded and ingrained to such a degree that you're not going to breed this thing out of people in a matter of a generation or two [RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton,
1990:113].
They're alcoholics in the main, the fringe dwelling Aborigines ... [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:28].
Native Welfare mentality's still stuck in their gluey minds [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, I 990:287].
The failure of educators and employers to recognise the importance of providing
adequate learning opportunities to enable health care workers to develop an
understanding of Aboriginal culture, and the reality of the situation many
Aboriginal people are in, is another key factor. For example the Health
Department of Western Australia orientation programme for newly appointed
Community Health Nurses is a 105 hour course which includes a 4.3%
allocation for 'Aboriginal culture'. Aboriginal lifestyle is referred to in the
general health issues and forms 6% of the total programme. This orientation
programme occurs once a year so it may be between one to eleven months since
the Community Health Nurse commenced work with the Department.
648
The University of Western Australia Medical Faculty was approached by the
Commission regarding its teaching in the area of Aboriginal health to ensure that
socio-cultural factors are addressed adequately by its graduates. The rather
global response was that 'Clinicians ... always take into account the
socio-cultural and economic situation of all patients be they aboriginal [sic] or
caucasian. This is part of the general training in medicine' (correspondence from
Faculty of Medicine, University of Western Australia, to RCIADIC, dated
4 July 1990). This conflicts with the reality conveyed by Aboriginal people
during the term of the Commission. The formal teaching in Aboriginal health in
1990 in the whole medical course consisted of one lecture to the third year
medical students. Further ad hoc learning may occur during the rural attachment
in the sixth year and the two opportunities which exist for students to write an
essay, from a range of topics one of which is related to Aboriginal health, during
the first and sixth years of the course. In fact teaching in Aboriginal health has
actually decreased in the past two years according to some commentators
(Copeman, 1990). One hopeful step is that the Medical Faculty at UWA is
planning to admit three Aboriginal students in 1991 with less rigorous entrance
qualifications and funding permitting.
The 1989-90 Health budget in Western Australia was, according to a
departmental spokesperson, approximately $1.2 billion with around
$100 million being spent on services to Aboriginal people. It needs to be
recorded here, however, that that amount of money is not specified for
Aboriginal health. It also needs to be recorded that the figure provided to this
Commission appears to be somewhat exaggerated. The style of accounting used
by the HDW A means that there has been no mechanism to ensure that the Federal
funds provided in the past were spent on Aboriginal health. The rationale used
was that they spent much more than they were given so that would be sufficient
accountability for utilisation of those funds. Currently the Department is trying
to change to a programme planning, budgeting, and management system which
649
will allow for easier documentation of the way money is spent, and hence
accountability will improve (RCIADIC Perth Transcripts, July 1990).
The Western Australian Aboriginal Health Policy Review Team is strongly of the
opinion that the Health Department of Western Australia should remove itself
from the area of health service delivery and provide adequate resources to
community controlled Aboriginal organisations to enable them to provide the
health service delivery required in their own communities. Their reasons include:
1. The belief that some of the antagonism that exists between AHSs and Health Department workers arises from a perceived competition in the area of service delivery and hence territoriality and jealousy develops. If the HOW A was no longer involved in service delivery then that antagonism would lose its momentum. Then the HOW A could assume a more effective role as a support base for those community based organisations.
2. The community controlled organisations could provide a more effective service as outlined earlier in the discussion about the WHOs view of the necessary requirements for effective primary health care structures.
3. It would enable greater accountability of resource utilisation.
A further reason which emerged from the community consultation undertaken is
co-dependency of the Department and the client community. The view that
Community Health has fostered a dependency on its services within the
community it served was raised several times (RCIADIC Transcript, Albany,
1990: 122). This is certainly an issue which needs addressing, particularly
concerning the self interest of the Department in maintaining its client base. It
was also noted that Community Health has tended to assume responsibility for
people's health, rather than participate in an empowering process to enable
Aboriginal people to be in control of their own health. This has changed,
according to some, over the past six months and now greater emphasis is being
placed by Community and Child Health Service (CCHS) staff to decrease the
650
tendency to assume responsibility for people's health. No details of how this is
happening were provided (RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:260).
14.7 Mental health
It is the Aboriginal contention that the current situation of their people is the product of European colonialism and racism, not of some theoretical prehistoric social, technological or psychological retardedness [Allen, 1988:84, quoted in Taking Control,
1990:34].
It is well recognised that mental health is a significant factor amongst sectors of
Aboriginal society. In 1979 the National Aboriginal Mental Health Association
was fonned and issued a Declaration of Mental Health which stated:
We declare that the mental health problems in Aboriginal society are at least as common and as serious as in any other society in Australia.
We declare that Aboriginal society does not enjoy the services for the relief and care of mental illness enjoyed by other groups.
We hold that psychiatric services planned to assist people of European descent are not suited to relieve the distress of Aboriginal people.
We express the need to develop, with all urgency, Aboriginal services to meet the needs of Aboriginal people suffering from mental distress.
We maintain that these services should be conducted by and for Aboriginal people, with proper links with other health services.
We recognise that services are provided for Aboriginal problems of the body, but that mental health problems go overlooked and ignored.
We pledge ourselves to the National Aboriginal Mental Health movement, designed to promote professional and vocational development in this field [The Aboriginal Health Worker, 1980:4].
The reasons for the degree of mental ill-health among Aboriginal people are
related to the legal, social and cultural dislocation that has occurred since
651
colonisation. Swan (1988) quotes the results of a survey conducted by the
Victorian Aboriginal Health Service (V AHS) in 1987 which found that of those
surveyed:
65% had been separated from a parent during childhood (cf. 29% in the wider population);
47% had been separated from both parents (cf. 7%);
21% had lived in an institution during childhood.
That the impact of such cultural genocide has been devastating is well
documented throughout this report. The reasons for this disruption to families
was enshrined in the 1905-63 legislation under the ethnocentric policies of the
time. Though this policy has officially been revoked as has the legislation, ,.
Aboriginal families can still be separated owing to a lack of material resources.
At the 1990 annual conference of the Royal Australian and New Zealand College
of Psychiatrists, a paper was presented which strongly linked poverty with
mental health consequences (Western Australian Newspaper, 17 May 1990). As
noted earlier McMichael (1987) has also commented on this. It is a continuing
reinforcing cycle of oppression/poverty/ill-health/dispossession. As Swan
(1988:32) notes, the State, via the institutionalisation of the Aboriginal
community, has created a 'soul-destroying dependency' which needs to be
addressed. This has resulted from the multitude of losses that the Aboriginal
community has experienced, and continues to experience, since colonisation.
Indeed she comments that 'many have seen their brothers and sisters labelled as
mentally ill (and hospitalised and incarcerated as a result) when they know the
problem to be a social and political one. The diagnoses are always 'white'
non-Aboriginal ones, and the solutions are seen as another form of oppression'
(ibid:33), namely, medication, hospitalisation and incarceration.
652
The solutions for maintaining good mental health lie in access to material
resources and conditions and in the following principles:
⢠high self esteem and confidence;
⢠freedom to communicate needs and feelings;
⢠ability to love and be loved;
⢠sense of belonging to family and community;
⢠the ability to cope with stress;
⢠ability to relate, create and assert oneself;
⢠options for change which help develop a problem-solving approach;
⢠comfort with your environment; and
⢠believing in something (family, community, culture, religion) [ibid:356].
It is also essential that Aboriginal society is not perceived as a homogenous
culture. There are many different language groups, a fact which needs to be
appreciated by those in policy, planning and service delivery roles in all areas not
just in mental health. A cross-cultural education institution, as well as
incorporating cross-cultural approaches in existing institutions, would help this
process of recognition.
There is a need for appropriate mental health education and training for both
health care workers, and the general community. This should be aimed at
developing the appropriate skills and understanding required to enable effective
work among Aboriginal people. It should also be aimed at attempting to
understand some of the stresses Aboriginal people endure. This need is
highlighted when some of the material, both evidence and submissions, before
my Commission is examined.
653
It should be noted that there is currently only one Aboriginal person employed by
Mental Health Services in Western Australia, Richard Wilkes. He is employed
as a welfare officer at the Multi-Cultural Psychiatric Centre. It is his view that
many country localities, towns and isolated communities, tend to use Graylands
Mental Hospital in Perth as a place to send their 'problem people rather than take
the trouble to look after them' (R. Wilkes, 1989:5). He goes on to comment that
there are significant mental health problems amongst Aboriginal people, and that
most of these stem from the 'culture being swallowed by the system and the
cultural collision in living a different lifestyle than they are used to' (ibid:6). In
order to address the Aboriginal mental health needs in the State, he sees the need
for several small regional centres which could respond to local needs and cater
for the diversity of Aboriginal people living in Western Australia. The centres
should be run by local groups, similar to the Aboriginal Health
Services. These centres should be properly resourced and staffed. Such
considered resourcing would help avoid the alienation and cultural collision
caused by being 'tossed into the European settings that we have now' (ibid:7).
An examination of the statements and evidence presented to the Commission in
relation to the death of Paul Farmer provide a useful insight into the availability
of psychiatric services in the State, psychiatric practitioners understanding, or
lack of, of Aboriginal culture and the cross-cultural conflicts they experience.
Dr G. Smith, Director of Psychiatric Services, Health Department of Western
Australia, confirms that there are no specific psychiatric services available for
Aboriginal prisoners and that the services available to anyone 'in custody are
limited' (W/5/59, p.l). The only psychiatric services available outside Perth are
in the Kimberley (Derby), Geraldton (part-time) and Bunbury (private) plus
visiting specialists are available periodically in Albany, Kalgoorlie, Port Hedland
and Karratha.
It should be noted that the presence of a psychiatrist does not guarantee the availability of full psychiatric care, nor appropriate care as will become obvious
later. The demand for psychiatric services versus the relative scarcity of service
654
providers means that all of the residents of Western Australia are poorly provided
for, those in country regions particularly. Dr Smith goes further: 'Aboriginal
people in both country and metropolitan areas do have special needs which are
poorly met by current services. It would be fair to say that the psychiatric needs
of the Aboriginal population are basically little understood at present' (W/5/59,
p.4).
An example of this lack of understanding is provided by Dr P. Skerritt in his
commentary on the psychiatric care provided to Paul Farmer (W/5/48). He
acknowledges the presence of 'phenomenon' (hearing the death bird and seeing
faces of dead relatives) which had a 'cultural bias' and the expression of these
were 'shaped by cultural factors' (p.l ). He then proceeds to place a western
psychiatric interpretation on the presence of these 'phenomenon', in association
with the perceived lowered mood of Mr Farmer when he had contact with the
psychiatrists. His interpretation differs from the treating practitioners, but he still
manages to find a psychiatric label to apply. Namely, 'psychotic depression'
rather than 'schizo-affective disorder' (p.2). His justification for the psychiatric
disorder theory rather than an entirely culturally based belief, is that the
'phenomenon' resolved upon the commencement of anti-psychotic medication,
Thioridazine. On a superficial level this may seem logically consistent. A more
accurate interpretation and course of action would be to look at the reaction of
Mr Farmer to the situation he was faced with, and try to develop a mechanism to
address those important cultural elements in his overall management. This may
incorporate some psychiatric tools but would, more importantly, also incorporate
appropriate cultural responses to Mr Farmer's situation.
I believe it is important to establish here that I do not, for one second, pretend to
be an expert in psychiatry, nor would I find it easy to rely upon what such
experts say. My point here is simply to highlight the need for knowledge of
cultural beliefs when dealing with Aboriginal people. In fact the whole matter of
professional assistance in relation to Aboriginal people is of grave concern to my
Commission. While it is sometimes necessary to rely on the advice and services
655
of practitioners, such as those cited above, no matter how well intentioned that
advice and service may be, unless they are infonned from a perspective which
takes into account Aboriginal socio-cultural beliefs and practices, the task of
interpreting what they say is made that much more difficult. My comments do
not only refer to the psychiatric profession, as infonnation throughout this report
refers to a number of instances where misinfonnation regarding Aboriginal social
life can generate misunderstandings of various degrees and influences (see
e.g. Chapters 5 and 12). Some of the complexities and dilemmas of
cross-cultural interpreting are highlighted in the following example. They are
considered more from an ideal perspective, rather than from my having to make
judgements based upon the advice of the psychiatrists involved in the particular
case.
The example concerns the view given by Dr Lister in response to Dr Skerritt's
comments about Paul Fanner. 'I doubt he was developing a significant
depressive disorder as he successfully lived in the bush for 7 months without any
known suicide attempts' (RCIADIC report on Paul Fanner, W/5/47, p.4). This
comment refers to a period of time following Fanner's escape from Graylands
Hospital. An alternative explanation could be that he was no longer confined in
prison or a psychiatric hospital.
Another example, is the assumption of Paul Fanner's low intelligence by the
psychiatrist Dr Stubley, quoted in the submission for the family. It contrasts
with the reality of his participation in TAFE courses on psychology, high speed
diesel engines, animal husbandry and other assessments of his above average
intelligence, as detailed in the submission. Other reports, submissions and
evidence presented to the Commission reflect the picture portrayed above.
Namely, a persistent lack of understanding, on the part of psychiatrists, when
confronted with the mental health problems suffered by Aboriginal people.
Hunter's (1988) interpretation is that the increase in the rate of suicide amongst
Aboriginal people in the Kimberley reflects the rapidity of change over the past
656
twenty years, plus an inability to achieve access to the potential political and
economic means that are constantly being portrayed via many channels, including
the media. What is of relevance in this context too is the fact that the rates of
suicide of males in the non-Aboriginal community have increased markedly as
well (Kosky, 1990; Reser, 1989).
In relation to Hunter's work, his recurrent use of the terms 'partial descent' and
'full descent' throughout various publications is, in my Commission's view,
unfortunate and in marked contrast with Aboriginal peoples way of expressing
Aboriginality (see e.g. Chapter 6). Additionally, to explain the high levels of
Aboriginal suicide in the Kimberley region, Hunter (1988, 1989) appears to
concentrate on establishing alcohol and the label 'alcoholic' as seemingly the
important issue. Comprehensive and detailed analyses of the causes of
alcoholism, as well as describing the symptoms, should never be
under-estimated.
As observed earlier, psychiatrists are not the only authors to offer simplistic
analyses of the causes and solutions to the poverty faced by Aboriginal people.
Sullivan, Gracey and Vernon (1987:336), in an article on the cost of food and
nutrition in remote areas, propose the introduction of food vouchers to address
the issue of undernutrition and poverty within the Kimberley region. This sort of
paternalism is of great concern to my Commission, as it extends to suggesting
this would ensure that at least some 'welfare payments' were not spent on
'nutritionally unsound and/or unnecessarily expensive items or non-essential,
and non-food purchases'.
Another psychiatric informant to the RCIADIC (in confidence) raised the issue of
family background as a factor regarding deaths in custody in terms of parenting
and 'chaotic family backgrounds'. This informant claimed that the receipt of
Social Security entitlements by many Aboriginal people places them in a 'highly
advantaged' position in society in contrast to the well accepted notion of
Aboriginal people occupying the most disadvantaged position. These basic
657
misconceptions from psychiatric influences in this State are cause for great
concern if these attitudes are translated into their clinical and advisory work
(RCIADIC Transcript, 1990:241-243).
The above views highlight the need for greater involvement of Aboriginal people
in the field of mental health in order to diminish the dangers of superiority and
perpetration of cultural oppression which has influenced the relationship between
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people since colonisation (see e.g. Langton in
Radford et al, 1990: 13-16).
Lorimer's (1990) work contains a useful analysis of psychiatric evidence and
submissions made to the RCIADIC. Her paper addresses the issues of the
definition of normal and abnormal behaviour in Aboriginal communities, and the
assumptions made in the psychiatric opinion under consideration. The bulk of
the material presented by Lorimer stresses that some opinions are misinformed
and judgemental, and reflect an ignorance of Aboriginal reality on the part of the
psychiatrists. Lorimer offers a perspective to enable the readers to conclude that
these 'authoritative' statements presented to the Commission, need to be
considered from a different perspective.
While it appears that the psychiatric profession is aware of some of its
shortcomings and via its representative body, the Royal Australian and New
Zealand College of Psychiatrists (RANZCP) is trying to address this, it is worth
looking in a little more detail and making some comparisons. The Social and
Cultural Section of the Western Australian branch of the RANZCP has produced
a draft position paper on psychiatric services for Aboriginal people. It contains a
mixture of awareness of the issue and the perpetuation of misinformation and
cultural stereotypes. It includes a statement recognising the tendency in Western
Australia for Aboriginal people to be diagnosed as having major psychiatric
disorders, such as affective illnesses and schizophrenia, 'with fewer symptoms
being noted and taken into consideration' (RANZCP, 1990:1). (See also Mowry
(n.d.) for further discussion.) This view acknowledges the non-Aboriginal
658
orientation of psychiatric services in Australia, and the lack of culturally
appropriate services, few workers with the necessary skills and no particular
policies regarding appropriate diagnosis and management of Aboriginal people
with mental health problems. In contrast, is the inclusion of the less informed
statement about Aboriginal people: 'they appear to suffer the ravages of alcohol
misuse more rapidly than Caucasians' (p.l).
An example of the relative ease of diagnosis with less symptoms being identified
can be found in an unpublished paper by Mowry (n.d.) as mentioned above.
Dr Mowry compared the symptoms presented against the diagnostic criteria for
schizophrenia in twelve Aboriginal and twelve non-Aboriginal clients discharged
from Graylands Mental Hospital in 1983 with the diagnosis of schizophrenia.
He found that none of the Aboriginal clients satisfied all of the diagnostic criteria,
whereas eight of the non-Aboriginal clients did.
There is passing reference in the RANZCP document to liaison with traditional
healers in order to decrease the alienation and mistrust felt by Aboriginal people
when confronted by the psychiatric system. Of more relevance would be an
increased determined reorientation of the services so that Aboriginal people have
input in the planning, implementation and monitoring of them. There needs to
be a move away from the small changes to make it look like change is
happening, but still maintaining the power base in the hands of western
psychiatry as evidenced by the desire to be more involved in the teaching and
administration as outlined above.
14.8 'Too many worries': self-inflicted harm
Of the 32 deaths under consideration by the Commission in Western Australia 9
have been by alleged suicide, or self-inflicted harm. Of those, only four were
considered intentional acts by the Coroner. Commissioner O'Dea was later to
conclude that he was unable to say conclusively that one of those four had
actually sought to take their own life.
659
A significant number of the deaths have been within three hours of coming into
custody. The submission by Spencer (G/14/S) comments on the role of alcohol
and depressant effects as well as the consequences of withdrawal. This has been
covered in Chapter 19 on alcohol. Both he, Smith (1989), Lister (1989) and
Skerritt (1989), are of the view that isolation is the least favoured course of
action for someone who is suicidal or affected by alcohol. Spencer goes so far
as to say that any one affected by excessive alcohol locked in a small cell for a
few minutes is at risk of developing an acute withdrawal state and hence being at
risk of suicide.
An understanding of the current extent of suicide as a means of death in the
Aboriginal population in Western Australia is difficult due to the lack of accurate
information regarding its incidence, as stated earlier. Suicide is reported as the
second most common cause of death in the prison system in Western Australia,
after heart disease, according to Mr E. Stevens (Assistant Superintendent,
Albany Regional Prison, in the report into the death of Paul Farmer). The rapid
increase in the incidence of suicide in recent times is not only happening in the
young Aboriginal male population but is also occurring to a significant extent in
the wider community (Kosky, 1990; Reser, 1989; Radford et al, 1990). Low
self esteem, lack of opportunities, and lack of resources are strong negative
factors impacting on Aboriginal people, and especially contributing to the higher
rate of suicide in young Aboriginal males.
In contemporary terms, suicide is seen as an intentional response to inescapable
and unbearable circumstances. These circumstances often, but not always, occur
in association with a significant loss, be that cultural, spiritual, material or
personal, and often all four. There is difficulty in reaching valid conclusions
about the true causes of suicide in Aboriginal communities due to divergence of
ideology used by researchers and the failure to separate fact from judgement and
supposition. To quote Radford et al (1990:34):
660
Many research 'conclusions' with their 'authoritative' style and context, have, in effect, transformed that which has often comprised little more than speculation, into 'findings' for the world to behold.
The debate is turning so that the view of Aboriginal society as the primitive 'sick'
society is diminishing, and a greater awareness that the wider society has been
the controlling force, and hence major contributor, to the consequent
disadvantage and stresses which exist in Aboriginal communities, is growing.
The level of self-hann in the custodial setting reflects the level of hann which
occurs out of custody. According to Wilson (1982) it reflects the stress
experienced by Aboriginal people and stems from low self esteem and a sense of
futility. Radford (1990:3) chooses to describe this as the outcome of a 'failure to
adapt to and live in harmony with the new and constant setting of urban life,
initiated and sustained by the dominant European cultures'. The authors go on to
say that this 'mal-adaption' results from 'persisting and pervading poverty and
powerlessness, itself a result of disregard and, to some extent, exploitation'
(ibid).
Suicide should be considered as part of a range of self-harming actions. It tends
to receive more attention because ofthe finality of its outcome and because it is
somewhat easier to obtain statistics to reflect its frequency compared with the
frequency of self-inflicted hann.
14.9 Self-inflicted harm and the media: 'copycat syndrome'
In their submission to the RCIADIC, the Western Australian Prison Officers
Union of Workers put forward a theory that some of the deaths of Aboriginal
people in custody in this State that were presumed to have been suicides, can be
associated with media reporting of other such deaths. This theory, for which
there are some related research findings, has been dubbed the 'copycat
syndrome', and asserts that some Aboriginal people in custody are influenced by
the media reporting of the presumed suicide of others, precipitating their own
661
decision to kill themselves. In short, that they 'copy' the action of fellow
Aboriginal suicides (Mason, 1990: 133).
The Prison Officers' Union submission (1990:9) asserts that studies by Hunter
'and the experience of the Royal Commission itself show that these suicides
occur in a 'cluster', that is, can be grouped together in a short space of time. In
support of this theory the submission also notes that media clippings about the
death of Edward Cameron in Geraldton in July 1988 were found in the
possession of Graham Walley, who was found hanged in Greenough Prison a
short time later. It is also contended that there is a possible link between both of
these deaths and prominent media coverage of the RCIADIC inquiry into the
death of Charles Michael at Barton's Mill.
The submission asks the RCIADIC to recommend that the media 'wholly refrain
from reporting the deaths by suicide of prisoners' as a means of countering the
alleged syndrome. However, it also appears to suggest that simply by not stating
the dead prisoner's name and race, and not specifying presumed suicide is
sufficient to achieve this. There is some reference to the notion that the 'public
interest' is served by the media reporting of such deaths, but that the above
'protocols' if adopted, would not 'subjugate' that interest.
While none of the available research conclusively demonstrates that media
coverage of Aboriginal deaths in custody can be seen as the cause of these
deaths, there is sufficient evidence of an association between media coverage and
suicide by youth in general to warrant some consideration of the Prison Officers'
Union assertion.
A survey of previous research by Mason (1990) showed that the majority of
studies support the existence of an association between media reporting of
suicide, and an increase in actual suicide rates by youth. Mason examines some
of the arguments against the the 'imitation effect' of the media reporting of
suicide, including an hypothesis that copycat suicides are merely precipitated by
662
reporting and would have been committed in any case. Statistical analysis of
suicide trends following suicide publicity have tended to refute this hypothesis.
Another opposing argument is that copy cat suicides merely imitate the method of
suicide publicised, having already resolved to kill themselves.
Another area that requires consideration is that if it is to be accepted that media
reporting of suicide does create a copycat or imitative effect, then perhaps the
style of the original reporting, as opposed to the mere reporting itself, is a factor
that can either decrease or increase the likelihood of imitation. Mason notes that
news reports of suicides are 'often criticised for being sensational with graphic
disclosure of the details and method of death', and that suicide can be portrayed
in the media as a 'romantic, heroic and alluring or normal act'. Equally, the
impression that suicide is the sole 'rational solution' to problems can be implied
in media reports.
Research in Western Australia has suggested that there is an association between
youth suicide and increased media coverage of suicides. Silbum (1990)
examined youth suicides and media coverage of suicides in Western Australia
from August 1987 to December 1988. It was noted that from the years 1986 to
1988 a substantial increase in the overall youth suicide rate occurred, from
10.4 per 100,000 to 17.9 per 100,000. Within this, it was found that youth
suicide by hanging in 198 8 was 200 per cent higher than the preceding seven
years.
Most significantly, Silbum found that the increasing rates of hanging as a method
of suicide by youth from 1986 to 1988 was preceded by an increase in the frequency of media reports specifically mentioning hanging. Of a total of
166 reports of suicide in The West Australian newspaper for this period,
96 mentioned death by hanging and 53 made reference to the Royal Commission
into Aboriginal Deaths In Custody.
663
Silburn concluded that although there was evidence to suggest an association
between the increased media coverage and an increase in youth suicide during
1988, the number of Aboriginal youth suicides (3) was too small to 'pennit any
meaningful conclusion to be drawn' about that specific group. Silburn did
conclude that an increase in Aboriginal youth suicide in 1988 suggested that a
clustering effect was operating.
Equally, Hunter, whose research the Prison Officers' Union cite in support of
their assertion that presumed suicides by Aboriginal people in custody in Western
Australia are precipitated by media coverage, stops short of conclusively stating
such an association. As well as noting the previous international research
supporting this theory, Hunter (1989) points out that indeed a clustering of
custodial suicides seem apparent in both Queensland and Western Australia:
Is there any evidence of clustering among the Aboriginal suicides in custody? The initial major media coverage followed the suicides of two Aborigines in Yarrabah in December 1986. In the following six months, four more hangings occurred in police custody in Queensland. For 1987, seven (53%) of 13 Aboriginal hangings in custody in Australia occurred in that State. In 1988, Western Australia became the focus of media attention, as a result of both having the largest number of deaths in custody, and the attempt by the Police Officers Union to halt the Muirhead Royal Commission. From January 1980 until November 1987 only three Aboriginal hangings in custody (one being in June 1987) had occurred in Western Australia; however, in the following year there were four more [Hunter,
1989:218].
Hunter (1989:222-223) does not offer any direct evidence of a cause and effect
relationship between the media and the clusters of suicides by time and region,
and he places more importance on a need to consider and take action on alcohol
use, and some of the 'social foundations' of ill-health.
Indeed, as the Prison Officers' Union points out, newspaper clippings of reports
of Aboriginal deaths in custody and related Aboriginal rights issues were found
in Graham Walley's possession, in fact, they totalled nearly fifty in number. The
664
clippings mainly concern the protests and political controversy surrounding the
death of Edward Cameron, but others relate to wider issues of racism and the
struggle for justice for Aboriginal people. While the Union might consider these
significant factors in Walley's suicide, it could be equally suggested, by the
choice and quantity of news clippings, that Walley had or was developing a
higher level of political consciousness concerning the position of Aboriginal
people, and had learned to collect and draw upon media texts as part of a useful
information-knowledge base. Viewed as such it is virtually impossible to
separate out media reporting from the whole web of inter-connected social and
political issues that bear upon both Walley's imprisonment and ultimately his
death.
Having said this does not completely exonerate the media from any responsibility
for the way deaths in custody are treated in reports. The emphasis Mason placed
on the style of reporting of suicide, its often sensational and romantic character,
could be a significant consideration in relation to some of the Aboriginal deaths in
custody in Western Australia. For example, the death of Edward Cameron in
Geraldton Police Lockup on 8 July 1988 was followed by dramatic media
coverage, not only of the suspicions and allegations surrounding the
circumstances of his presumed suicide by hanging, but the protests and disorder
that accompanied his funeral in Geraldton. Some months later two further
deaths, presumed to be suicide by hanging, occurred, one at nearby Greenough
Regional Prison (Graham Walley, 23 October 1988) and again at Geraldton
Police Lockup (Wongi 31 December 1988). In the thirteen months prior to
Cameron's death, three Aboriginal people died, presumed suicide by hanging, in
Western Australian police cells (Stanley Brown, Broome, 27 June 1987; Bernard
McGrath, Kalgoorlie, 15 November 1987; and Ben Morrison, Fremantle,
6 April 1988). These earlier deaths, like those that followed, were surrounded
not only by their own attendant media reporting but also by the wider national
coverage of the issue of Aboriginal deaths in custody which had reached high
levels of public prominence by the time of the commencement of the RCIADIC in
mid 1987.
665
If it is to be accepted that media generated publicity surrounding Aboriginal
deaths in custody influenced the decision of others to take their own lives, then
we must also consider both the personal circumstances of those who died and the
prevailing political context in which the deaths took place. To isolate the media
as a primary cause of the deaths is to overlook the environmental factors that
predisposed certain people to die in particular ways in State custody. After all,
the mere reporting of Aboriginal deaths in custody, while possibly impacting on
the overall suicide rate, does not cause mass suicide by Aboriginal or non
Aboriginal people, either in or out of custody.
Essentially, if the assertion that the 'copycat suicide' is an act of despair and
severe depression, as a last resort escape from an unbearable existence, then it is
doubtful that the media reporting of such suicides can be conclusively stated to
precipitate others. Taking the example of the three deaths in the Geraldton region
in 1988, the ability of local Aboriginal social networks to communicate such
tragedies to a large number of Aboriginal people within the region, irrespective of
media reports, must be taken into account. Equally, the distressing effect of
these on the Aboriginal community, and to the point, others who are potentially
suicidal when in custody under certain conditions, again irrespective of media
reporting, is perhaps a significant factor. In other words, perhaps the salient
point about the 'cluster' of three deaths in the Geraldton region is not so much
that they were prominently reported in the media, but that they all occurred in the
same locality. It is necessary to consider whether local social environmental
factors in the Geraldton/Murchison region could have led to a higher potential for
suicide by young Aboriginal men in custody.
If, alternatively, the above 'copycat' suicide 'cluster' relies on an assumption that
these young Aboriginal men committed suicide in custody as an act of revenge or
resistance against their perceived oppressors, in other words, of 'martyrdom',
then it follows that a powerful argument can be made that the more media
666
publicity, the greater the martyr effect as the success of the effect depends upon
its intended impact on public opinion.
Finally, there is a problem in that, in a sense, the theory of the 'copycat
syndrome' assumes something extraordinary in the possibility that human
beings, under any conditions, behave in similar ways, and that the actions of one
influences the actions of others. It individualises suicide in custody and suggests
its cause in the simple copying of one individual's action by another, denying
perllaps the far more important underlying social issues that may have given rise
to all the deaths.
667
Chapter 15
THE IMPACT OF MINING: 'ALL WE GET IS THE DUST'
Social impact and social change processes related to mining and Aboriginal
interests reflect the complex interaction of local, regional and State wide issues.
In sum, the effect of the mining industry on Aboriginal people cannot be
separated from the effects of changing government policies and social changes
internal to Aboriginal people themselves. With all these factors in mind, the
RCIADIC commissioned Dr Richard Howitt to undertake field research in the
Eastern Goldfields region of Western Australia. The results of that research are ,. contained in RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5, August 1990. The
Goldfields was identified partly because of the high incarceration rates in the
area, as well as the number of deaths in custody. What follows is drawn from
some of Dr Howitt's findings, as well as other material that has been provided to
my Commission. It is important to observe here that while these findings
primarily refer to the goldfields, a great deal of the discussion can be
extrapolated to the rest of the State and, indeed, to other parts of the country.
The situation for Aboriginal people in the goldfields is complicated by the
complex history of the region regarding claims and interests in, and control over,
specific lands, reserves, resources and issues. Several cases are dealt with in
more detail in RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5, but the general issue is that
competing interests have been produced during different periods of occupation.
The 'traditional' totemic landscape, in which control over, and responsibility for,
specific areas was self-contained within Aboriginal societies, has had
superimposed upon it various non-Aboriginal patterns of land tenure (pastoral
leases, mining tenements, local government boundaries, state boundaries,
electoral boundaries, administrative districts and so on). There has also been a
development of various historical associations between Aboriginal groups and
668
particular areas not only through Aboriginal tradition, but, as noted in earlier
sections (e.g. Chapter 2), through government policies which have often served
to re-locate Aboriginal people into different areas where they have also developed
ties of association.
One of the fundamental issues is the extent to which Aboriginal individuals and
groups, empowered in the present policy context, can be considered
'representative' of broader Aboriginal interests. This issue also arises in the case
of the mining industry, where industry lobby groups such as the Chamber of
Mines of Western Australia and the Australian Mining Industry Council have
sought to present the vested interests of the mining industry in general, and the
private interests of individual corporations, as representative of the 'national'
interest. In the following section, the local implications of this issue are
considered, and discussions concerning empowerment of currently marginalised
people explored.
15.1 Vested interests: the mining lobby
The mining industry is made up of a large number of individual companies. In a
market economy, while some of these companies may operate together in joint
ventures or other arrangements, and some may have common shareholders,
managers or owners, they are fundamentally in competition with each other. The
industry lobby groups, such as the Chamber of Mines and the Australian Mining
Industry Council, therefore seek to represent a range of often conflicting specific
corporate interests. The political strategy of the mining lobby has generally been
to present itself not as representing a narrow vested interest, but as representing
the best interests of all Australians.
In its presentations and submissions to various inquiries concerning Aboriginal
land rights, for example, the mining lobby has sought to protect its vested
interest by presenting its concerns in terms of the national good. For example,
669
The Chamber of Mines of Western Australia (CMWA) submitted to the Western
Australian Aboriginal Land Inquiry that:
The ownership of all minerals must ... rest with the Crown which must ensure equality of access thereto for the bettennent of the entire community.
The Mining Industry believes that the natural resources of the State must be accessible to the entire community if the community is to maintain an acceptable standard of living and be able to provide social services for all its members .
.. . [and] strongly advocates the continued principle of Crown ownership of minerals so as to enable the natural wealth of the State to be available to the benefit of the entire community [CMWA, 1983:1-2].
The Australian Mining Industry Council (AMIC), in its submission to the same
inquiry, sought to establish the importance of the mining industry to the welfare
of every Australian with the claim that:
The mining industry's ... contribution to Gross National Product ... accounted for more than 28 per cent of the basic wealth production in 1980/81 [AMIC, 1983:8].
Such a contribution is indeed fundamental to the health of the national economy,
but what this argument fails to acknowledge is that it is not the production of
wealth, but its distribution which determines the extent to which a nation's
citizens benefit from the production of wealth inside its national borders. AMIC,
however, goes as far as to suggest that:
In the common good ... reasonable restraints should ... be imposed on Aboriginal landowners in relation to the wider community's need to maintain access to those community-owned resources [AMIC, 1983:18].
What the industry lobby's arguments systematically refuse to acknowledge is that
it may also be in the national interest to address the outstanding claims of
Aboriginal people resulting from the compulsory acquisition of all their property
as a result of colonial conquest and occupation. In fact, in direct contradiction of
670
the facts of history in the Eastern Goldfields, the CMW A goes as far as to say the
following:
the history of dispossession and dispersion (with which the Mining Industry had little or no involvement) will be reflected in ways not immediately obvious to or realised by non-Aboriginals [CMWA, 1983:28].
As discussed in detail in RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5, the industry was
one of the primary vehicles of dispossession and occupation in the Eastern
Goldfields, and has continued to act largely as an antagonist of Aboriginal
interests on many occasions even in recent history. Through such submissions,
and reinforced in advertising campaigns such as that launched in 1984 by the
CMW A (see e.g. Libby, 1989), the industry lobby has attempted not only to
establish their vested interest as fundamental to the 'betterment of the entire
community' and even the nation's ability to 'provide social services for all
members of our society', but has also sought to establish a popular perception of
antagonism between the just and equitable settlement of outstanding Aboriginal
claims and the national interest.
In discussing the industry's role in regional development, the mining lobby has
similarly attempted to develop a popular perception of the automatic transfer of
wealth from mining activity to the common good. For example:
The Mining Industry also strongly submits that adequate recognition must be given to the positive social, cultural and economic benefits that flow to local communities, both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal, in regions where mining operations are established.
These benefits include, amongst others, better medical, communication, transport and education facilities as well as greater access to food, fuel and other supplies in remote areas [CMWA, 1983:32].
The question of distribution of the benefits to the Eastern Goldfields communities
from mining is raised in RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5. The point to be
671
made here is that the conventional mechanisms for the distribution of wealth in
Australia, have generally proved inadequate in meeting the needs of remote
communities. In this sense, the nation has still not come to terms with the
'tyranny of distance', nor found an appropriate policy framework to address
'locational disadvantage'. In the case of remote Aboriginal communities, the
mechanisms to ensure benefits flow to the community have been flawed by
racism, paternalism and an inability to design and implement appropriate policies.
The principal benefit identified by the industry lobby has generally been direct
employment:
The mining industry is one of the few which has the potential to provide employment for Aborigines in remote areas ...
Where employment opportunities are sought (by Aboriginals), however, the industry is aware of the need for special efforts on the part of mining companies to accommodate their working procedures in order to allow for Aboriginal cultural differences. It is also recognised that the industry has an important role to play in the fields of education and training to enable those Aborigines, who so elect, to become involved in the wider · Australian community [AMIC, 1983:3-4].
Again, the issues of direct employment and specialised industry training are
detailed in RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5, but the point which needs to be
particularly raised here is that the experience of many Aboriginal people in the
Eastern Goldfields, and elsewhere in Western Australia, has been that prospects
for direct employment in the mining industry have continued to be poor, despite
the intentions of various company and government policies (see also Arthur 1986
for discussion on this matter in the Kimberley region of Western Australia).
In criticising the industry's submissions and political activity, it is important not
to suggest that they should not act to protect their position of entrenched vested
interest and privilege. However, it is equally important to unmask some of the
means by which the mining lobby's self interest is disguised as a representative
regional or national interest. The development of genuinely effective policies,
672
and in the case of this Commission, genuinely effective recommendations for
action, depends upon identifying and challenging the mechanisms by which
Aboriginal people are disempowered and marginalised. The purpose is not one
of political point scoring, but one of genuine social and ethical imperatives.
Given that the research detailed in RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5 has
revealed the lack of mechanisms to ensure adequate transfers of wealth and flows
of benefits to Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal interests in the Eastern Goldfields
generally, it is essential that the Commission is not swayed from tackling the core
issues by the misguided arguments of self-serving vested interests.
15.2 Aboriginal interests
The mining lobby by no means has a monopoly on misguided arguments or
self-serving vested interest. Starry-eyed idealism and what the mining lobby
typically calls 'do-gooders' have no place in the Commission's crucial role in
providing a framework for action to address the underlying issues involved in the
deaths in custody issue. The failure of existing policies to overcome the social
processes which have dispossessed and marginalised many Aboriginal people is
clearly part of the problem to be addressed. In evidence put before the
Commission by Howitt (1990) it would appear that many Aboriginal people and
mining company representatives state that they share common ground in their
criticism of many aspects of the Aboriginal 'industry'.
There are two aspects of this question to be addressed. The first is that of the
largely non-Aboriginal· sector which derives a direct benefit from the existence
and reproduction of disempowered Aboriginal groups, either in the form of jobs
(e.g. public servants in specialist Aboriginal affairs positions, consultants, etc) or
other benefits (e.g. church and other missionary groups). While it is not
intended to denigrate the dedicated and worthwhile contribution of many of the
individuals involved, it is essential to raise some serious questions about vested
interests and structural problems involved in this area, and the failure of the
'industry' to put in place mechanisms to overcome them.
673
The second aspect of the question, is the difficult one of Aboriginal vested
interests. Oearly, some Aboriginal people have been able to 'do quite well' out
of the existing system, and have no interest in genuinely challenging the broader
issues of social justice. It is widely accepted that conflicts of interest in
Aboriginal affairs are tolerated and ignored which would not be accepted in other
areas. Community advisors, public servants, anthropologists and other workers
in the Aboriginal affairs sector come in for considerable criticism from the
mining sector. One recent commentator, for example, gave the following advice
to mining companies dealing with Aboriginal communities to stay with the
following rules:
2) Find out who the traditional owners are by persistent enquiry of community members, double checking all the time. When they are identified DEAL DIRECI'L Y WITH THEM A VOID ANTHROPOLOGISTS -they dance to a different drummer ...
8) Have the negotiator constantly liaise with State Government bureaucrats and politicians. In the author's experience they are mostly pragmatic, level headed and even handed. Try and avoid Federal government officials like the plague ...
9) Do whatever is feasible to by-pass the community advisers. Use them but don't fall into the trap of dealing with them because they speak English ... [White, 1990:5].
Some of the structural problems in this area include the practice of placing the
least experienced, least qualified public servant (police, teachers, nurses) in some
of the most difficult and demanding positions in the State and then 'promoting
them out', if they survive. Howitt (1989) argues that locally incorporated bodies
have been established by DAA in ways which guarantee their failure, because
they bring together mutually antagonistic Aboriginal interests into a single
corporate structure. There seems to exist an element within the Aboriginal sector
of the public service which actively and deliberately pursues the continued
disempowerment of Aboriginal people in order to protect and promote their own
employment interests (see also Chapter 11).
674
Similarly, there is a group of Aboriginal people within the system who have
become symbols of a representative Aboriginality, who are consulted about
everything from sacred sites to the distribution of jobs, money and infrastructure.
While it is not intended to suggest impropriety of any particular person or
persons in the Eastern Goldfields, it is important to make the general point that
many of the most influential positions in Aboriginal organisations carry
considerable power, and people occupying them have a responsibility to carry
out their duties 'without fear or favour'. To do less is to overlook a crucial
underlying issue, and is a betrayal of the struggle for survival and advancement
that Aboriginal groups have waged against awesome odds for many many years.
In my Commission's view, a means of challenging vested Aboriginal interests is
also fundamental to the task.
15.3 The victims
Many Aboriginal people whose personal, cultural, social and economic needs are
not addressed in the current setting have no way of representing their interests to
the wider community. It is they whose exclusion has produced marginalisation,
and who are unable to articulate their needs and aspirations. In many ways, it is
their concerns that are the focus of the practical outcomes of this Commission.
There have been several Royal Commissions and other inquiries which have
recommended appropriate legislative, policy, guidelines and practices in Western
Australia, including the Warburton Ranges inquiries, the Laverton Royal
Commission and the Aboriginal Land Inquiry. None have fully addressed the
actual mechanisms and processes of disempowerment. What is necessary is a
practical agenda, and practical process of empowerment and participation which
reach these people. In my view, anything less will reinforce the processes which
produced this Royal Commission in the first place.
675
1 5. 4 Policies, practices and consequences
In seeking to address practicalities, and address them in the context of
opportunities and constraints for Aboriginal economic development in the mining
sector, three basic areas of opportunity seem to exist: direct employment; indirect
employment and enterprise development; and negotiated arrangements between
Aboriginal landowners and mining interests, based on land rights. In each area,
existing policies and implementation guidelines create unnecessary barriers to
equitable results for Aboriginal people. The attempts by the mining industry to
respond to these issues in the current policy context have also generally produced
disappointing (and disempowering) results. It is, perhaps, worth beginning with
the setting of the Laverton Royal Commission in 1975-76 (see also Chapter 2 for
comment regarding this Commission).
The Report of that Commission noted:
In about 1962 the Aboriginal population of Laverton was approximately 400 including those residing at the mission at Mt Margaret ... while the white population was approximately 55. As a result of the recent mining development, the white population has increased to approximately 1200, while the Aboriginal population has remained static.
The present layout of Laverton has largely been influenced by decisions that the town site of Laverton itself should be redeveloped rather than a new mining town at Windarra, and that Aboriginal and white communities should be integrated in the new town. In late 1974, the white population of Laverton consisted largely of mine employees and their families, few of whom had had extensive experience in isolated centres in Australia or much contact with the Aboriginal inhabitants .. .
The evidence suggests that the rapid development of Laverton left many of the Aborigines confused and in varying degrees disappointed that the rate of improvement in their conditions did not match that of the town development [Laverton Royal Commission, 1976:4,5].
That Commission's observations raise a serious issue which affects the
relationship between Aboriginal and mining interests throughout the Goldfields,
676
and indeed, around Australia, and that is the issue of the timing of project
development
The current! y prevailing circumstances of poor profitability in the gold sector and
generally 'difficult' economic circumstances for companies in the region (see
Table 14), ensures that they will continue to argue that the need to generate
profitable growth from any local opportunity is absolutely paramount in the
context of their own corporate priorities. According to Howitt (1990) this will
tend to reduce the opportunities for direct employment growth in the short term
for Aboriginal people without experience.
Table 14: Retrenchments and redundancies in the Eastern Goldfields Mining Sector, announced July-August, 1990
COMPANY JOBS LOST
Kalgoorlie Consol Gold Mines 199
AURLtd 64
Central Norseman Gold 150
Valbrook Mining (WMC Kambalda) 35
TOTAL 448
Cited in Howitt (1990) Kalgoorlie Miner, various dates, 1990.
In hindsight, it can be seen that the 'windows of opportunity' for nickel projects
such as Agnew and Windarra, were quite narrow, and profitable development
did depend on rapid progress. In this context integration of Aboriginal and
corporate priorities was probably impossible at the time. The imposition of the
company's solution of introducing a large, mainly non-Aboriginal workforce into
a previously predominantly Aboriginal community inevitably led to local
juxtaposition of social anomalies which contributed to the Skull Creek incident
investigated by the Laverton Royal Commission.
677
In the case of Laverton, where the initial 'discovery' of the Mt Windarra nickel
deposit was made by an Aboriginal prospector, Aboriginal people continue to be
resentful that there was no avenue for securing some direct benefit from the
project for their communities. The use of such projects to secure a stable
position within an expanded local private sector economy requires a substantially
different approach to planning and development. The saying that 'time is money'
is a fundamental tenet of capitalism, and the use of a 10-15 year time frame for
project development to incorporate Aboriginal education and training is simply
not rational within the constraints of the corporate sector. Yet this is an important
aspect of the agenda being raised by Aboriginal groups around Australia.
Without a coherent and consistent strategy directed at this sort of empowerment
of local Aboriginal people, government policies are failing to address the key
issues in securing a more equitable outcome for the long term processes of
economic development.
Since the mid-1970s there have been a number of attempts to address the
structures of inequality through legislation and policy formulation. Most
recently, and perhaps most relevantly here is the major Federal initiative in
Aboriginal employment, education, training and enterprise development,
including the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy (AEDP). As noted
earlier in Chapter 11, the AEDP, developed in response to the Miller Report
(1986), established a range of programmes and funding avenues aimed at
overcoming welfare dependence. Development of local Aboriginal enterprises
was encouraged, with substantial funds committed to both private and
community enterprise development. As with all such policies, implementation
guidelines control the distribution and application of funds under these
programmes. These guidelines are developed and reviewed by senior Federal
public servants, and, except in the hands of dedicated, determined and skilled
local staff, generally fail to address the particular concerns of local people and
groups. The general feeling is that people and their proposals should fit the
guidelines rather than the other way around. As one Aboriginal man put it:
678
It's always the guidelines that get us ... I decided to do something for myself based here, clearing gridlines and drill pads and so on ... Although I had both a bulldozer and a grader lined up and I knew the machines and knew I could keep them going [I was] ...
required to get three quotes ... [and] to do a five day business course. My motivation was to get something going that related to the main industry in town, which is exactly what DAA and ADC haven't got going. I wanted to help young Aboriginal kids learn the skills ... to help them get jobs in the industry. When the mines close, the whitefellers move on to greener pastures.
Aboriginal people are not the itinerant ones. They need to get jobs locally. I had contracts lined up that would have just about paid back the money I wanted to borrow ... (but the government departments) never really checked it all out properly. And then it just got too big [Richard Howitt, Fieldnotes Book, 7:72-75].
According to advice provided to me by Dr Howitt, this man's request for a: loan
to purchase second hand equipment for a small scale project was unsuccessful
because he was unable to provide the 20% equity required under programme
guidelines for private loans, and because competitive quotes were required, the
non-warranted second-hand equipment he had lined up was not considered
appropriate, again under the guidelines. As an alternative, it was proposed that a
much larger loan to an incorporated community organisation be funded.
When discussing the above situation with ATSIC regional office staff, the
problems created by locally inappropriate guidelines restricting support to local
initiative was acknowledged:
Rules, regulations and guidelines were all made in Canberra, and although that's changing, we are not sure of how the amendments to the ATSIC arrangements will affect the process of decentralisation. Guidelines are supposed to apply to all sorts of proposals, but we face problems because A TSIC staff numbers have been cut and the workload increased ... Even the dollars that have been around (under various funding programmes) haven't reached the Goldfields [ATSIC Regional Office staff interview, 25 July 1990, Richard Howitt, Fieldnotes Book, 8:23-26].
Oearly, the incentives for well-motivated, well-qualified Aboriginal people to set
up initiatives such as that proposed above are limited. As many people
recognise, they are better off on the dole than trying to fit into these guidelines.
679
Another example of people being disempowered by inappropriate guidelines, this
time at the community organisation level, can be found in the experience of the
Eastern Goldfields Aboriginal Resource Agency (EGARA) in the building
industry:
... in the building game, EGARA built houses at Leonora and other places using Aboriginal workers, but the bureaucracy increasingly said that we had to win competitive tenders against large contractors from Perth who could come in and do jobs quickly and cheaply, but leave no skills or other benefits behind. The bureaucracy seems intent on catching us out with technicalities. They say they want to create employment, but the reality is just not there. They offer us $100,000 to create jobs, but then tie our hands, our legs and heads up and put on a blindfold and say 'Yes - you can do what you want with the money'. The ATSIC guidelines always put in a catch about how you can spend the money. When we put in a tender it isn't really possible for us to include the social and cultural objectives as part of the tender, because that's outside what's being tendered for, but because that is also what we are on about, it makes it impossible for us to come in as the lowest tenderers [Manager, EGARA interview, 6 July 1990, Richard Howitt, Fieldnotes Book, 6:43-44].
While appropriate monitoring of funds, training and support for Aboriginal
people and review structures are essential to ensure that policy goals are being
met locally, the fate of EGARA's building business, which had accumulated
substantial assets and expertise as well as supplying a large number of houses in
communities in the Eastern Goldfields, demonstrates the continuing importance
of patronage and the maintenance of Aboriginal people's 'client' status in
successfully negotiating 'the guidelines'. As one insider observed to Dr Howitt:
... Problems really started to emerge when relations between EGARA and DAA began to deteriorate. This coincided with the division between DAA, which had up to 15 regional managers in the last eight years, and sometimes only one person in the office, and ADC - the split between the social and the economic ... We became alienated from DAA who threatened to stop funding us, but never did .. . At the time of the ADC review we had accumulated assets worth half a million dollars. To do this we were breaking the rules, but this was in a period when breaking the rules was the accepted, and expected, way of doing things.
680
EGARA was strangled by ADC when they demanded that all housing projects go out to public tender with no preference to Aboriginal tenderers ... Our biggest problem was that we had a DAA that was thoroughly frustrated because it had no idea of what was going on. EGARA was extraordinarily successful.
Our wages bill was about half a million dollars a year, and every employee was gainfully employed. We picked up Kalgoorlie Glass for only $6,000 ... [and it] has grown to be the largest non-metropolitan glass company in the state. One could be forgiven [for having] a cynical view of the bureaucracy and for thinking that they put the screws on EGARA because we were successful ... EGARA became a pain in the neck to a long tradition of handling and directing everything in Perth [Richard Howitt, Fieldnotes Book, 6:55-58].
The same set of problems, the problems of overburdened staff, inappropriate
guidelines, lack of support and back-up, restrictive and selective application of
review procedures and the problems of patronage and power, broking is repeated
in every sphere of social and economic endeavour affecting Aboriginal people.
In education, health, employment, enterprise development, and other areas,
policies seem destined to constrain rather than support Aboriginal initiatives.
Of particular importance is the continued and widespread practice of sending
young, inexperienced and unconfident professionals into some of the most
difficult and demanding positions in their vocations (teaching, nursing, policing,
community advising, etc), and failing to support, train or develop them . The
impact on and burn out rate of potentially valuable staff is immense. But more
important is the effect on the communities involved. As noted in Chapter 7,
basic services taken for granted by most citizens in metropolitan Australia
become problematic.
In the case of health services, there appear to be a number of specific and serious
issues to be addressed in the Eastern Goldfields. There are certainly unresolved
concerns about environmental health issues for many Aboriginal people. There
has been a concerted campaign to address environmental dust arising directly
from mining operations in the region, but there is no research or data to allow
any reasonable assessment of the health consequences of prolonged exposure to
681
environmental dust and other pollutants including sulphur dioxide, and small
amounts of heavy metals including arsenic released from the ores, and cyanide
from the processing of gold. There has been a small amount of work done on
occupational exposures, but Aboriginal people, particularly fringe dwellers face
an entirely different regime of environmental exposure.
Similarly in education, the existing structures have created significant barriers to
the achievement of equitable and culturally relevant outcomes for Aboriginal
people. As has been the case throughout Australia, education professionals have
failed to develop and deliver appropriate policies and practices to the Aboriginal
students of the Eastern Goldfields. Education, at all levels, is fundamental to the
process of engaging in the necessary social transformation. The failure of the
mainstream to meet even the basic educational goals of Aboriginal children and
their parents, and the restriction of the alternatives available to Aboriginal parents
to CAPS, the Christian Aboriginal Parent-controlled School at Coolgardie, which
emphasises Christian education, has the potential to reinforce certain processes in
yet another generation.
When health and education are undermined, poverty, alienation and
marginalisation, the processes of exclusion from the mainstream economy, and
the mechanisms of local disempowerment continue and reproduce the
co-dependence of communities and bureaucracies, without ever challenging the
structures which entrench the problems. In my view, Aboriginalising
bureaucracies will not address the problems, because professional competence,
adequate resources and appropriate service delivery structures cannot be created
simply because Aboriginal people are put into positions. Further, pouring
money into flawed policy frameworks and community organisations which
reflect bureaucratic rather t:pan internal community priorities, will not provide
empowerment.
682
15.5 Getting the scale right: local empowerment
RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 5 documents the nature and mechanisms of
Aboriginal marginalisation in the Eastern Goldfields. It also identifies potential
avenues for challenging these mechanisms and pursuing alternative outcomes.
The specific focus is on the relationship between Aborigines and the mining
industry, and the opportunities and constraints on Aborigines securing a more
equitable participation in the mining industry, as part of a broader strategy for
more equitable participation in, and benefit from, the regional economy.
Therefore, in the view of my Commission, it is important to shape an agenda for
change at the local scale, rather than pursuing the 'big ideas' in isolation from the
local contexts in which they must ultimately be applied. Local economic
strategies cannot afford to be limited by parochialism, lest we simply reproduce
locally tolerated injustices which disguise the underlying concerns of this
inquiry. It is crucial that we pursue the development of processes which allow a
range of local Aboriginal interests to participate at all geographical scales in
meaningful and accountable ways. Just as it is necessary for mining companies
to set in train processes which facilitate local production of minerals and
participation in wider forums for profitable operations, Aboriginal economic
processes cannot be constrained by local parameters.
It is apparent from the above discussion, that in a State which is as rich in minerals such as Western Australia, there is a great deal to be done in relation to
setting things on a more equitable basis in relation to Aboriginal people and their
rights and aspirations in relation to involvement in, and negotiation about,
mining. This is especially critical in areas with which Aboriginal people have
ties of a socio-economic, cultural and historical kind. The same can be said for
tourism, as tourism is another area where it is crucial that Aboriginal interests are
recognised and sustained in meaningful and accountable ways.
683
Chapter 16
TOURISM ENCROACHING ON ABORIGINAL PEOPLE,
ABORIGINAL LAND
There is little doubt that tourism in Western Australia is on the increase. There is
also little doubt that that increase has had a massive impact on Aboriginal people,
particularly in northern parts of Western Australia. That impact is continuing to
gain momentum. In 1989 Federal Government reported that the greatest growth
industry was Tourism. Reasons for that increase were cited as:
(i) The increasing attractiveness of Western Australia as an international tourist destination owing to the comparative devaluation of the Australian dollar, and increasing awareness of 'remote' areas such as those defined through the Australian film industry and various sporting events;
(ii) The sealing of the Great Northern Highway between Fitzroy Crossing and Halls Creek in 1986, which was the last stretch of the Highway to be completed, and which enabled movement within the area and greater access for local and eastern states visitors;
(iii) State and Federal encouragement of tourism as a means of earning foreign exchange and development, and reducing dependence on agricultural and mineral products which are subject to global conditions.
This sort of touristic increase has massive implications for Aboriginal people,
because of the intrusion of non-Aboriginal people into country which was, until
recently, areas with which non-Aboriginal people held little interest (e.g. 'Bungle
Bungles', the Dampier Land Peninsula). Somewhat ironically, however, the
tourist industry is one area where there may be employment for Aboriginal
people: e.g. the sale of artefacts, or as rangers in National Parks (see
.e.g. Williams, N., East Kimberley Working Paper No. 34 and Senior 1985).
Significantly a survey conducted by the Australia Council in 1989/1990 found
684
that tourists spent $30 million per year on Aboriginal art and artefacts. While it is
not within the scope of my investigations, it is necessary for there to be some
analysis done concerning what proportion of this amount was distributed back to
the Aboriginal people who had crafted particular paintings and items (see also
Section 6.13 Aboriginality in the context of art and craft).
16.1 Contemporary responses to tourism
What is, however, significant with regard to contemporary Aboriginal responses
to tourism, must be seen in the context of how they are shaped by previous
contact with non-Aboriginal people. While history shows that such contact has
often found brutal expression, the situation with regard to some matters is
showing signs of change. One such change is the involvement of Aboriginal
people in National Parks. The AIU submission (1990:51) informs me in this
regard, that at a recent conference held in the State's Pilbara region at Millstream
on 6-8 August 1990, and attended by representatives from Aboriginal
organisations and government bodies (e.g. ATSIC and Conservation and Land
Management (CALM)) throughout Western Australia, where the following
matters were raised and recommended: joint management between representative
Aboriginal people and the relevant State agency; Aboriginal people to be involved
in management plans; land within national parks to be set aside for excisions for
Aboriginal people; Aboriginal people to have access to national parks for
hunting, fishing and the collection of material for cultural purposes; Aboriginal
people to be in control of information concerning their cultural heritage;
Aboriginal people to be given preference with regard to employment
opportunities (e.g. administrators and rangers); Aboriginal people to be involved
in lease-back arrangements, and the rental fee to be paid to the appropriate
Aboriginal group; payment to enter the park should be paid for by tourists;
Aboriginal people should retain access to particular areas for ceremonial
purposes; the relevant Aboriginal custodians to be in charge of site protection and
access; there is to be no mining in national parks, or near local Aboriginal
685
communities; and training and development enterprises should be encouraged in
relation to Aboriginal people and national parks.
Despite my attempts to obtain a copy of the minutes of the Millstream meeting
through AAP A, I was unable to do so. I have, however, been informed by the
AIU submission (1990) as noted above. As observed by Aboriginal
participants at the meeting, 'The land is the basis of our Aboriginal culture. It is
the history and the basis of our identity. The land, the sites, the areas, hunting
and food gathering is the basis of our learning and the development of our
children ... The Government through CALM has taken this away from us and
has broken this structure which gives Aboriginal people their identity,
self-esteem, pride, responsibility and future for our children' (ibid:54 ).
Since that promising meeting at Millstream, however, I have been made aware
that the State Government has decided to permit mining in three big national
parks in Western Australia (West Australian Newspaper, 28 September 1990),
and that Aboriginal groups from Rudall River and elsewhere are protesting over
this decision (ibid).
I have not been able to pursue a response from State Government as to the fate
of the matters raised in the AIU submission. However, in my view, the
principles of joint management are working well in the Northern Territory (in
relation to land held in agreements with the Commonwealth, State and
Territory). In sum, joint management of national parks is just one of the ways to
address some of the significant matters in relation to land that were discussed
earlier in Chapter 6, and matters of Aboriginal equity that have been raised
throughout my report.
686
16.2 Museums, tourism and the representation of
Aboriginal people
As noted elsehwere, in 1984 the Federal Government commissioned Australian
National Opinion Polls (ANOP) to research community attitudes to'ward
Aboriginal people and issues. ANOP's report delivered in January 1985, entitled
Land Rights, Winning Middle Australia painted a bleak picture of a nation with
scant understanding of the position of its indigenous citizens. The report
presented evidence that the views and understanding of average non-Aboriginal
Australians about Aboriginal affairs issues were characterised by the following:
no widespread understanding of the special significance of the land and 'only a rudimentary knowledge of sacred sites [p.l7];
a lack of sympathy for Aboriginal people and lack of appreciation of their social problems [p.l7];
⢠no depth of understanding of Aboriginal culture [p.18];
⢠'real' Aboriginal people 'ere considered to be those full-bloods living a traditional tribal lifestyle [p.13];
'positive' views about Aboriginal people that do exist largely 'stem from the traditional stereotype of the noble savage' [p.19];
alcohol abuse is seen as the main problem confronting Aboriginal people before other perceived problems such as chronic unemployment, poor education and lack of self-respect [p.l6];
⢠Aboriginal people are perceived as a 'privileged group' and as 'suffering from a hand-out mentality' [p.l4 ];
a rejection of 'any historical right to land as prior owners/occupiers' and 'compensation deriving from guilt over white settlement and subsequent mistreatment' [p.22].
Museums, heritage sites and tourism attractions are key places at which history
and culture are represented, and as such they are powerful educational institutions
that help to shape the world view and ideology of those who visit them. Bennett
687
(1986) outlined how museums evolved historically from collections of curios
held by the wealthy and for private viewing only in the late middle ages into large
educational institutions designed specifically for mass public patronage by the
middle of the 19th century. This shift from private to public coincided with
changes in the structure of society whereby the maintenance of order came to rely
on citizens regulating themselves through belonging to a democratic public rather
than ruled over by monarchies or dictatorship. Thus the museum came to be seen
as a means of educating the masses to both behave in an ordered marmer as well
as instruct them in the achievements of the imperial power, in areas such as
industry, science and the domination of other nations and peoples. Clifford
(1988:21) contends that 'collecting and display' are 'crucial processes of Western
identity formation':
The value of exotic objects was their ability to testify to the concrete reality of an earlier stage of human culture, a common past confirming Europe's triumphant present ...
It seems clear that the limiting of museum displays to traditional artifacts
expresses not only an avoidance of the history and politics of colonialism, but
also power relations and cultural domination.
16.3 Heritage sites and tourist information
Interconnected with museums are heritage sites and tourist literature and
promotional information, which also play a significant role in producing
knowledge about Aboriginal people and issues. Such knowledge is produced
even when Aboriginal people are not referred to, or rather, the non-reference to
Aboriginal issues, their exclusion from messages about history and colonial
'settlement' is a central problem.
For example Greenough pioneer hamlet near Geraldton and Cossack townsite
near Roeboume are in the process of, or have already, been restored to an image
of their past in order to present messages about the origins of European Australia,
688
and to celebrate and commemorate British colonisation. Yet these sites contain
little or no information about the relationship of these former communities with
the Aboriginal people on whose land they were built, and who were displaced
because of them. They have become monuments to colonies of the collective
imagination. Pleasant places peopled by upstanding, hardworking pioneers. The
real dark underside of colonial expansion, incarceration, terror and death for
indigenous people has been effaced (Mickler, 1990:88).
At least in respect of Cossack, that town played a direct and decisive part in the
dispossession, incarceration and enslavement (in the early pearling industry) of
Aboriginal people in that region. Yet the visitor to the restoration project today is
presented with little or no information about this.
Tourist information and literature about places like Cossack and Roeboume
basically extend the practice of museums in failing to include the implications of
colonisation in their otherwise extremely detailed information about these towns
and their environments. For instance the Western Australian Tourism
Commission (W ATC) brochure 'Area Guide: Roeboume and Districts' (W ATC,
1989) presents the reader with copious facts and figures about the geology,
climate, flora and fauna, industry, recreation, and historic buildings and colonial
milestones about the region, but nothing (save for one reference to Aboriginal
rock-art) about the existence of Aboriginal people, their past, or contemporary
affairs. In my Commission's view, this is an extraordinary position to take
considering that approximately 1,500 Aboriginal people live in Roebourne alone,
or 85 per cent of the town's population. For all intents and purposes Roe bourne
is an Aboriginal community constructed for the public by tourism, as primarily a
site of colonial heritage and architecture.
If European Australia is generally uninformed and unsympathetic toward Aboriginal aspirations, then it is in large measure due to the colonialist
perspectives of history which continue to pervade. While the demands of tourists
and touristic enterprises can take precedence over local needs and aspirations, the
689
rights of access to essential services in relation to Aboriginal people as
indigenous citizens of this country require urgent attention. This matter is
examined in the following chapter.
690
Chapter 17
ESSENTIAL SERVICES
The issue of essential services is one which impinges most directly on
Commonwealth/State/Local government relations and responsibilities, which is
examined in Chapter 14, some comment needs to be made here in order to
further stress the circumstances under which Aboriginal people are so readily
marginalised.
1 7.1 Denial of access to services
Most Aboriginal initiatives in Western Australia since the early 1970s, have been
funded by the Commonwealth. However, the State clearly has a responsibility
to provide essential services to its Aboriginal citizens. The Aboriginal Affairs
Planning Authority (AAPA) has not had the funding nor the authority necessary
to make available essential services to Aboriginal people on communities, or to
enforce its statutory responsibilities. Additionally, as noted elsewhere in this
report, notably in the chapters on health, housing and the economy, other State
agencies have largely avoided meeting their obligations to Aboriginal people.
The development of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission
(ATSIC) in March 1990, represents a body which is potentially able to develop a
reappraisal of Commonwealth/State/Local government approaches and
responsibilities.
In relation to essential services, I am primarily discussing matters such as the
development and maintenance of access roads to Aboriginal communities (see
e.g. Fletcher 1989, Lawrence 1990), municipal services, access to water
(e.g. bores, tanks), power, housing construction and maintenance, and
accessible transport facilities. In most of these matters, from evidence put before
691
my Commission, I have found that Aboriginal people experience discrimination
with regard to these services, services which most people in Australia today take
for granted, a point highlighted by the following quote from the Equal
Opportunity Commission's recent report on Essential Service Delivery to
Aboriginal Communities in Western Australia:
In carrying out this review, there was potential for identification of both direct and indirect discrimination in the practices and policies of agencies delivering services to Aboriginal communities. The research has identified both [1990:5].
The report content goes on to demonstrate that this discrimination largely occurs
as a result of: a lack of coordination between State and Commonwealth
agencies; a lack of formal authority for the AAPA; and a lack of legal subdivision
status in Aboriginal housing estates disallowing Aboriginal people to be treated
as 'credible individual consumer units' (cf. Equal Opportunity Report on
Essential Services, 1990:22; Inquiry into service and resource provision to
remote Aboriginal communities in Western Australia, 1990).
It is not my aim in this Section to go over issues that have been raised and
detailed throughout my report on this crucial matter as noted above. I wish,
however, to commend and support the findings of the Equal Opportunity
Commission's 1990 report, as well as the findings of the report prepared by
Alexander and Associates (1990) for the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority.
Both these reports, as well as numerous others explored through the Human
Rights Commission, reveal that it is not through a lack of well documented
research and thoughtful recommendations that Aboriginal people continue to be
denied access to essential services.
The following section on the 'taxi economy', describes an issue which is not so
well documented in the above-mentioned reports, but it is one which was
brought before my Commission on a number of occasions. The following
Section describes two things. The first demonstrates how Aboriginal people are
discriminated against when they do not have ready access to transport facilities,
692
and hence become reliant on local taxi operators and services. The second
demonstrates one of the issues that was raised earlier in Chapter 7 on the
Aboriginal Economy. This issue concerns how Aboriginal people can contribute
an economic base into a particular area (in this instance, through the extensive
use oftaxis), yet be marginalised from that economy when their own income is
so readily diverted away from their resources into the pockets of others. (The
report of Crough, Howitt and Pritchard [ 1989] in relation to Alice Springs is of
particular interest in this regard.)
17.2 The 'taxi economy'
The first region in which the issue of taxis was raised with my Commission was
Roeboume, then subsequently in Carnarvon and other rural areas. Where ever
there were transport difficulties the taxi companies were in evidence. Taxi
companies, in areas where the issue was raised, were invited by letter to attend
Royal Commission conferences but failed to do so.
In Roeboume there is no public transport and I was informed that:
if they want to travel they travel by taxi [RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:15].
The assertion was made that where two or three people use a taxi they are all
charged the same price for the trip. People use the taxis to get from the 'village'
to the town or the 'village' to the Regional Prison. A non-Aboriginal participant
at the Roeboume Conference said:
If we white people were getting in that taxi, they would charge us one fare for the ride and each person would put in for that ride [RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:15].
It is notoriously difficult for Aboriginal people to speak out about the taxi situation as the taxi drivers allegedly control the pensions and:
693
the money goes to them and they lend money ... [RCIADIC Transcript, Roe bourne, 1990: 15].
A person who formerly drove a taxi cab told my Commission that taxis would
not put the meter on; the drivers charged everyone who travelled in the cab with
the fare; some people had a 'book up' system with the cabs. The same witness
stated:
By the time they get their cheque from Social Security whether it be sole parent or a single person money - they go to pay their bill they find that they do not have any money because they still owe this guy more money ... they are still in that system where they have got to book up again to him until the next time they get money and the next time they get money, they do not have any money because they have still got them in that system. And it is on and on and on. And I used to work for him so I know
[RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990: 17].
Others who gave evidence to this Commission advised they had heard similar
stories. One witness stated:
it was suggested that not only did [taxi drivers] go to the local liquor outlets and get the booze for them, they are also taking their pension cheques and changing them for the rides here and there - and at the end of pension week - or at the beginning of pension week - they front up to the post with them, and as the guy gets his cheque, he said, right you owe me, you know, so much of that pension cheque [RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:24].
Some general criticisms which were made were that:
(1) people were overcharged;
(2) people were charged multiple fares when a number of people travelled together;
(3) meters were not used;
(4) people did not know whether they were being charged a fair rate;
(5) people did not know how they were being charged;
694
(6) a number of people do not have the literacy skills to check the figures;
(7) there was no evidence that people were shown any accounts or that they understood them;
(8) people were not assertive enough to challenge the assertions of the taxi drivers;
(9) people were dependent upon the taxi drivers and consequently did not wish to alienate them.
It would seem that police officers are not acting as 'authorised officers' as they
are entitled to do under the Transport (Country Taxi-Car) Regulations 1982
(Section 4 definitional Section; Section 40 Power's of 'authorised officers').
Efforts to involve the Aboriginal community in action to deal with the problem
have been unsuccessful. It seems that people are loath to come forward and give
evidence as they allegedly fear that a total withdrawal of services will result.
Community Health Nurses have tried in one town to get the community
motivated about the need to address the taxi issue. Their efforts have been
unsuccessful as the following account reveals:
We actually went down to the park early one morning, before the people got drunk and individually went to the people and explained what we were trying to do, and read out to them what the piece of paper said for those who could not read, and explained that, you know the police need this - need you to say something if you want something done. And to not be scared, and you know, explained that they would not be victimized or anything. And then we felt, well we have done what we can and waited for the people then ... we do not know how to motivate the people. Perhaps we are going about it in the wrong way'
[RCIADIC Transcript, Roebourne, 1990:275].
Community Health personnel indicated that they see the issue as a social and
economic problem which directly impacts upon health. If the pension money is
being used to pay taxi fare it is not being spent on food and other resources. In
another region, when the issue of 'free money' (i.e. Social Security entitlements)
to Aboriginal people was raised one person commented:
695
not free money, easy money - where I notice that a lot of free money has been coming from taxi drivers and I know for a fact that various numbers of taxi drivers do hold certain individuals bank books and they've got access to their money at all times -especially pension weeks ... they control the money [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990].
This concern was reiterated by others at that same conference. One participant
said:
seems to be a very poor situation where the taxi drivers have got hold of these peoples cheques - pension cheques or bank books or whatever they have now - and they just go in and get money and what they do with it, I don't know whether they buy them booze. Mostly I think they buy 'em booze, but that's a very bad situation [ibid].
There had reportedly been some tightening up of the situation in that area so that
cheques were not given anymore and the money was paid into a bank account.
People were reportedly signing withdrawal forms for undeclared amounts.
It was asserted that the arrangements with taxi drivers were 'common knowledge' and that taxi drivers 'started charging fairly hectic percentages for the
loan of that money' (RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990: 131 ), and that 'taxis
and booze would represent a fair proportion of [Aboriginal] income' (RCIADIC
Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990: 131 ).
One Shire Councillor made the point that he was hopeful the taxi drivers would
attend a Conference and put their of point of view as:
in their defence they provide a service. If they weren't providing that service ... what would occur in regards to transportation [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:143].
One participant told my Commission that Mungullah Village in Carnarvon had
tried to put a stop to taxis being able to bring alcohol into the community:
but the bureaucracy seemed to be able to just not let that happen ... they tried hard to say: look, we want to try and stop the
696
alcohol coming to our Village. But they couldn't control it [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnatvon, 1990:160].
One Aboriginal participant at the Mary River Bush meeting commented:
... they don't know how to stop them bringing the grog. Spoke to the policeman but nothing can happen ... [RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River, 1990:79].
The Acting Director General of Transport and the Chairman of the Taxi Control
board met with this Royal Commission to discuss transport and associated
matters. At that meeting, they indicated that they would seek to address some of
my Commission's concerns.
The Department of Transport has administered country taxis since 1981-82
before which time country taxis were administered by the Police Department.
However, as such, the taxi industry is a 'free wheeling owner occupied' industry
(RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:686). The Department undertakes six patrols
per year through the State. These field trips are used to address complaints and
assess the standard of setvice which latter includes presentation of the car, the
driver and his/her response to demand. Meters have been fitted to all cabs and in
Port Hedland a Departmental Officer went around to explain the use of meters to
people (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:688).
Government officers have informed me that there was only the 'odd complaint'
about overcharging and that in many cases it was difficult to get the evidence
necessary to take action (ibid).
In one area where, my Commission was barraged with complaints about a
particular taxi driver, the Depanment advised that:
we tend to watch that ... fairly closely. And we're not aware of any specific complaints that we haven't dealt with [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:688].
697
The diversion of pension cheques to pay for taxi services seems regarded as an
intractable problem as the following reveals:
WITNESS: One of the things that we identified fairly quickly was this question of where the pension cheques were going and the fact that too many people were actually booking up their taxi fares and the pension cheque was virtually disappearing against taxi fares and other matters as well. And it's been a long standing practice in some of these areas for the taxi driver to provide an all-embracing service: collecting the groceries and other things as well as providing the fare. ·
THE COMMISSIONER: The grog from the bottle department or where ever it might be?
WI1NESS: Yes, yes, cigarettes and the like, yes.
THE COMMISSIONER: Yes.
WI1NESS: ... we were trying to get the taxi drivers to pull back on the question of credit and to try to encourage the users to pay for their fares up front. But we were told repeatedly that really it's the right of the user to choose. All we could do was try to ensure the taxi driver had in place a reasonable book system that recorded all the charges ... in [one area] we enforced it quite vigorously for a while until the operator became educated to it ... there's been claims made that pension cheques are going into post office boxes ... We've never been able to identify a case where a taxi operator is abusing the person's pension cheque by whatever means, whether it be through a post-box number or whether it be through a bank account or what [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:690].
It is interesting to observe that this issue is regarded as being 'outside' the
control of the Department.
The Acting Director General raised the issue of whether legislation should be
enacted to prevent the taking of credit by taxi-operators however, communities in
Port Hedland did not want that action taken (RCIADIC Transcript, 1990:691).
The Department of Transport also advised that it has never been able to
substantiate allegations about passengers all being charged the same fare
(RCIADIC Transcript, 1990:691). Additionally, it is not an offence under the
Act to carry alcohol, but Departmental officers indicated that:
698
we've always supported the communities who have tried to keep their area dry, and we've called on the taxi industry and we've called on the police department to help us as much as they can to ensure the taxi industry does not get involved in trying to walk around these rules [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:695].
Such efforts have met with conspicuous failure so far as Aboriginal participants
to the conference of this Royal Commission are concerned. The Department also
advised that there was an over supply of taxi cabs in some areas. One such area
was Carnarvon .
... it was difficult for us to establish why so many cabs were issued in the first place. But it is evident to us that there is an over supply now - there has been since we've been
administering the country taxis [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:698].
The issue of licences previously would have been effected by the Police
Department. The Department of Transport was unable to give this Royal
Commission any idea of the criteria for issue of licences when same was
controlled by the Police Department except to say that they thought:
they relied very heavily on the local authorities ... [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:698].
In sum, it is apparent that in areas where Aborignal people are dependent on
modes of transport, other than those which they can provide themselves, that
dependency is exploited, and Aboriginal people are socially and economically
marginalised while others (in this instance, certain taxi drivers) seek to gain.
699
Chapter 18
REINFORCEMENT OF MARGINALISA TION
THROUGH THE PRESS
The electronic and print media plays a critical role in how Aboriginal people are
presented to members of the wider society. The following material addresses
this issue in detail. Initially, some background to inform the present.
18.1 Shifts in press treatment of Aboriginal issues 1960 to
1990
Research conducted by RCIADIC staff indicates that the way the media in
Western Australia treats Aboriginal issues has changed considerably since 1960.
Broadly speaking, the change is one from a form reflecting a benevolent (on the
surface) paternalism throughout the 1960s and early 1970s toward a
representation of Aboriginal people as a threat or challenge to public order and
State or National prosperity beginning in the late 1970s and increasingly in
intensity through the 1980s.
Reports concerning Aboriginal people in The West Australian and the Daily
News in the early 1960s were typically short and infrequent (i.e. not appearing
on a daily basis), from 4 to 7 paragraphs, referred to 'natives', and dealt with
concerns, sometimes seriously stressed, about the health and welfare of people
on reserves, government funding, alcohol problems and some criminal matters.
Typically these articles quote non-Aboriginal sources and authorities such as
Native Welfare Department officials, politicians, mission and reserve
administrators, doctors and clergymen. Only very rarely were Aboriginal people
quoted, that is they were 'spoken for' in matters that concerned them.
Photographs occasionally complemented articles, usually depicting Aboriginal
700
people being assisted by non-Aboriginal people in some manner. They
characteristically conveyed assimilationist themes such as the acquiring of
Western industrial skills, social values, behaviours and lifestyles. Aboriginal
culture was contextualised as exemplary of a primitive stage in the 'history of
man', interpreted as 'witchcraft' and occasionally being of mild aesthetic interest
to non-Aboriginal readers in tenns of exotic art and craft. Aboriginal land issues
are not on the news agenda in this period. The relatively sympathetic treatment
contained in the considerable coverage of anti-colonial and independence
movements in Africa and American Negro civil rights is not transposed on to
Aboriginal affairs. The coverage overall indicates an assumed general lack of
interest in Aboriginal affairs by the readers of these papers, and very much
conveys an impression that although Aboriginal welfare is of some concern, State
and church systems of regulation, surveillance and paternal care are finnly in
place. Feature articles are very rare.
By 1965-68 issues such as equal pay for Aboriginal pastoral workers and
equality of services for Aboriginal people are appearing at least once a week.
There is an apparent shift occurring that reflects a realisation, though still
essentially assimilationist, that non-Aboriginal attitudes toward racial and cultural
difference need changing (if assimilation is to be successful). Stories begin to
treat issues of racial equality and report Aboriginal concerns to maintain their
culture and identity. Generally, non-Aboriginal people continue to be quoted as
authoritative sources. In the period 1965 to 1970 media reports begin to reflect
issues associated with the diminishing of the rigid reserve and mission system
whereby Aboriginal people are moving more and more into towns and suburban
settings, requiring State housing, welfare payments and mainstream employment.
'Integration' themes begin to supersede the formal assimilationist perspective.
Feature articles are still very rare.
By 1970, the Aboriginal rights movement has begun to attract coverage in tenns
of protest marches. Although paternalistic and assimilationist themes and images
are still dominant, issues of Aboriginal cultural rights, economic and social
701
deprivation and racial prejudice are increasingly on the news agenda, and appear
to coincide with the late 1960s rise in civil rights and anti-war movements.
Feature articles are infrequent and editorial comment not yet expressive of
opposition or anxiety toward Aboriginal demands. Reports of the crisis of
Aboriginal life in towns and suburban settings appear in this period, including
brawls and public disorder involving police intervention. Clearly, the increasing
movement of Aboriginal people off the reserves and into State housing in the
southwest, and off the pastoral stations and into country towns in the north has
brought closer contact with non-Aboriginal people and is changing community
relations and attitudes. Throughout the 1970s this trend increases with reports
shifting away from 'benevolent' paternalism toward two main themes that
combine to contextualise the 'Aboriginal problem' as a growing imposition on
non-Aboriginal life. Aspirations for land, cultural rights and social equality, and
increasingly visible crime and disorder associated with marginal and deprived
existences become the primary themes. Reports on Aboriginal issues appeared
more frequently and covered a broader range of issues including housing,
education, art, employment, and relations with police. Aboriginal people are
more frequently quoted and spokespersons emerged from what was previously
an amorphous entity called 'natives'.
1979-80 marked a watershed in news agendas about Aboriginal issues in
Western Australia, primarily because of the Noonkanbah dispute. From here on,
the question of Aboriginal rights is no longer one to which simple paternalistic or
assimilationist reasoning can be applied. The 'Aboriginal problem' is now
contextualised as directly impacting on the State's economic future. National
Aboriginal funding and policy issues became a key part of the news agenda,
punctuated by intense and sustained treatment of events such as the protests at the
Brisbane Commonwealth Games, the World Council of Churches visit and
increasing demonstrations in support of land rights.
With the election of the Labor governments in 1983, the issue of Aboriginal land
rights became a major media preoccupation from 1983 to 1986, and was
7rJ2
followed by similar attention paid to Aboriginal deaths in custody. However, the
1980s also produced a media explosion in treatment of Aboriginal cultural issues,
focussing on art and craft, dance, theatre, film and 'Dreamtime' mythology. To a
certain extent the conditions for this were created by a combination of the rising
visibility and cultural assertiveness of Aboriginal people coupled with the
enormous transformation of Australian public culture to forms of multi-cultural
expression in the 1980s.
In a number of ways, media treatment of Aboriginal people in the 1980s was
characterised by contradiction, whereas in the early 1960s such treaunent was
uniformly paternal and colonial. In the past decade a media consumer has been
able to read a highly paternalistic or even racially derogatory and sensationalised
report in the morning newspaper while viewing a sensitive and politically radical
television documentary in the evening which exposes the injustice of colonisation
and presents Aboriginal perspectives on strategies for achieving social justice. In
fact, a major newspaper can on the one hand maintain an atmosphere of public
hysteria over alleged Aboriginal juvenile crime without any reference to wider
underlying historic and social issues and in the next week run a feature article on
precisely the latter. The effect of this is not, however, to cancel out the negative
imaging of Aboriginal people. Research made available to the RCIADIC has
shown that it is the negative imagery of the so-called 'hard news' reports
appearing in the main front sections of newspapers and early parts of the
electronic media news bulletins that are most lasting in the memories of
non-Aboriginal people, rather than the relative in-depth and sympathetic feature
material that less frequently appears.
In my view, by the mid-1980s, incidents of crime and disorder involving
Aboriginal people had become extremely 'newsworthy' warranting sensational
treaunent, almost as though the perceived political and economic threat of
Aboriginal land rights had enabled a corresponding media agenda presenting
Aboriginal people as a threat to law and order. From 1985 to 1989 the
combination of the accumulated failures of governments to fulfill expectations of
703
major reform and the socio-economic difficulties of marginalised country towns,
exploded into protests in Mt Magnet, Nullagine, Kellerberrin, Geraldton, Halls
Creek, and Cue, with echoes in Perth suburbs. These events seemed to have
dramatically escalated the news value of any incident involving Aboriginal people
such that a few car thefts and assaults in 1990 can be splashed across front pages
as a major 'crime wave' or uncontrolled 'gang terror'.
1988 marked another perceptible shift in media treatment. Statements by then
Premier Dowding made after the July 'riot' in Geraldton to the effect that
Aboriginal people themselves were to blame for their predicament, that
Aboriginal leaders had to come up with 'solutions' (this came after years of
struggle by Aboriginal leaders and organisations to achieve recognition of their
demands) punctuated a newly articulated attitude that government had done all it
could do. This symbolic washing of the hands by the government suited its
failure to fulfill promises made to Aboriginal people in exchange for their
electoral support in February 1983. From here on, Aboriginal juvenile crime and
delinquency could be more easily couched in terms of both the failure of
Aboriginal parents, leaders and the laxity of court penalties rather than a
responsibility of society to address underlying issues.
Another characteristic of the 1980s shift in the public debate, is that, whereas two
decades previously State dependency, institutionalisation and regulation were
strongly endorsed as the appropriate means of dealing with Aboriginal people,
the perception that this is still occurring is now seen as the cause of Aboriginal
problems. While the destructive effect of past policy is rarely criticised or pointed
to as having led to the contemporary crisis of Aboriginal life, continued
government funding, special laws to protect Aboriginal cultural interests and
make some land available, and quasi-independent political structures (NAC,
ALS, ATSIC, Land Councils, etc) are often presented as undesirable State
interventions which set Aboriginal people apart from the rest of society and treat
them in a privileged manner.
704
Broadly speaking then, the shift in media representation of Aboriginal people
from 1960 to 1990 is one from an image of unfortunate 'stone age' people for
which non-Aboriginal Australia had an obligation to help 'assimilate' into
Western culture, to a contradictory one comprising dominant images of
Aboriginal people as a threat to law and order and political and economic
stability.
In light of the above, it needs to be understood that there is probably no other
distinct cultural group so spoken about, observed, filmed , photographed,
recorded, or interpreted in Western Australia as Aboriginal people. Since 1829,
they have been the objects of European gazes. Explorers, ethnographers, Native
Welfare Officers, writers, artists, film makers, and of course, the news media
have all inscribed their visions of Aboriginal people into their various artistic,
scientific and official means of communication.
From the very beginnings of non-Aboriginal Australia, through the periods of
dispossession, and imprisonment, the media has mainly been owned by the same
groups of people who served to gain most from the colonisation of Australia.
This is not to say that the media has never taken up the cause of Aboriginal
people, but this has generally been at times and places and under circumstances
convenient for, and at the discretion of, those who control it. Green (1981)
notes that a Nyoongah leader, Yagan, 'became a legend through a series of
articles' in the Perth Gazette in 1832-33 written by a relatively sympathetic, or
pernaps apologetic colonist (Green, 1981:82). The Perth Gazette and the Swan
River Guardian in the mid-1830s served as public forums for bitter disputes
between colonists over the appropriate way to treat Aboriginal people (Green,
1981:86-87), which is pernaps not unlike the debates on Aboriginal funding,
land rights, and welfare witnessed in todays news media.
In sum, as noted above, the media has historically served the interests of the
colonising nation. At least in terms of the social make-up of the majority of
media ownership and management, little has changed since the beginning of the
705
colony. Along with other institutions that have grown up with the colony over
more than one and a half centuries - the police force, prisons, courts, government
welfare and so on, the media encounters Aboriginal people from a position of far
greater social powers, and one of these is the power to present its image of
Aboriginal people to the rest of the community, a process over which those being
portrayed have no control or equivalent means of communication. As Jennett
(1983:28) comments:
Media images of and messages about Australian Aborigines are constructed by non-Aborigines operating within the dominant Anglo-European cultural framework for consumption principally by those who share this framework. The reasons for this are located within the history of colonisation of Aborigines by Anglo-Europeans, whose powerful members retain cultural hegemony in Australian society; because they own the means of production, distribution and exchange they also control the dissemination of information about and images of minority groups. Nowhere has this been so all encompassing as in the case of the Aboriginal national minority.
18.2 Manufacture of news
The term 'manufacture of news' entails a recognition that the news media is an
industry much like any other. Its business is to produce something of value to a
society of consumers. 'News' is still largely regarded as the reporting of events
that take place in the world, events that have their own intrinsic meanings
independent of how they are represented in the news media. The role of news
producers such as journalists and editors is seen as presenting this already
existing meaning of events fully and accurately, using tradecraft codes such as
'balance', 'impartiality' and 'objectivity'.
Perhaps the most convincing evidence of the power of the media to influence
public opinions about Aboriginal issues was to be found here in Western
Australia in 1984-85 surrounding the Western Australian government's
Aboriginal Land Inquiry and proposed land rights legislation (see Chapter 6 for
details concerning the Aboriginal Land Inquiry). The Western Australian
706
Chamber of Mines, the Australian Mining Industry Council and opposition
political parties waged a sustained high-profile campaign in the press and
electronic media alleging numerous dire consequences for the well-being of
Western Australians if Aboriginal lands rights were granted. The Chamber of
Mines commissioned a particularly controversial television advert depicting the
hands of a black-skinned person building a brick wall across a map of the State.
Another political party-sponsored television advert portrayed happy white
children bushwalking, who turn despondent after coming across a notice
warning to keep off Aboriginal land. This highly emotive and divisive campaign
was credited by some to have turned an apprehensive or ambivalent public into
hardened opposition to Aboriginal rights and aspirations in relation to land.
Findings from the ANOP (1985:36) clearly indicate what occurred:
The results of our research so far have indicated quite clearly that substantial attitude change (against land rights) has occurred in Western Australia purely because of the Chamber of Mines campaign and the associated misinformation peddlers that such a campaign unearths.
18.3 Media and knowledge about Aboriginal people
Many Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people, journalists, Aboriginal affairs
workers, officials and others identified the media, particularly the news media, as
a major source of knowledge and information about Aboriginal people, and a
major influence on public opinion and attitudes (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth,
1990). A widely held belief was that negative stories and images about
Aboriginal people in the news media, that is ones which involved criminal
offences, civil disturbances and alcohol use, reinforce existing negative views.
This was seen as contributing to ignorance about, and prejudice toward,
Aboriginal people in general, and providing fuel for hard-core racist ideas and
activities. Others pointed to what they saw as the broader role of the media in
reproducing ways of making sense of the world at large from an ethnocentric
perspective. Few talked about the intemalisation of the negative stereotyping by
Aboriginal people themselves.
7(Jl
Research conducted for my Commission (RCIADIC Broome, Research Paper 2)
indicates that many Western Australians obtain much of their understanding of
Aboriginal people and issues from images and information provided by the
media, and specifically news and current affairs programmes and articles.
Findings from the study showed that 48 per cent of a sample of Perth suburban
dwellers say they obtain information about Aboriginal issues from the media,
while 37 per cent obtained most of their knowledge about these issues from the
media (Trigger and Waddell, 1990:3). This is not to overlook that other sources
of information about Aborigines, such as peer group, parents, direct contact,
literature and school, combine to create certain knowledges and assumptions
about things Aboriginal in the consciousness of non-Aboriginal Western
Australians. However, as influential as these other sources may be, it is the
media which has been identified as the single most influential source for people
living in the State capital, where the majority of the population reside both
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal. It is therefore important to examine how the the
media is treating Aboriginal issues, what sort of knowledge it is imparting to
consumers. Most of the research findings made available to the RCIADIC
concerned newspaper treatment of Aboriginal issues.
18.4 Frequency of Aboriginal news items
Newspapers in Western Australia in the 1980s contained an over-representation
of items dealing with Aboriginal issues compared with other ethnic group issues.
There was about 10 times as much coverage of Aboriginal items, as there was of
many of the other ethnic groups. There were also substantially greater numbers
of editorials and adjacent topical cartoons concerning Aboriginal people than the
other groups (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, May 1990, evidence of Dr David
Trigger). Over-representation is not necessarily detrimental to the image of
Aboriginal people in itself, for instance, it could be seen as redressing a lack of
information circulating in other public spheres. However, the content of these
items is cause for serious concern as the RCIADIC heard a considerable amount
708
of opinion about the perceived 'positive' or 'negative' images of Aboriginal
people in the news media. Most of this opinion, and certainly that of the majority
of Aboriginal people from around the State in urban and remote settings, was that
the news reports and articles about Aboriginal issues in Western Australian media
were overwhelmingly 'negative' in content, that is, they tended to depict
Aboriginal people in situations concerning crime, civil disturbance, alcohol use,
anti-social behaviour or at the centre of political debates over alleged funding
wastages or so-called 'special treatment' by social services (RCIADIC
Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990).
Research findings made available to the RCIADIC regarding the content of
newspapers in Western Australia certainly confirmed the above views, that items
about Aboriginal people were mostly negative in content (RCIADIC Transcript,
Perth, 1990). In fact, a survey of the The West Australian for the years 1984
and 1988, found that over twice as many items dealing with Aboriginal issues
presented 'negative content' as compared with 'positive content'. This
disproportionate negative treatment of Aboriginal issues was also clear in the
rural papers, that was most striking for the Kalgoorlie Miner, which presented
negative Aboriginal items nearly seven times the proportion of positive items,
and also in the Kimberley Echo - where the negative items were nearly four times
the proportion of positive coverage (Trigger, 1990).
Similarly in the rural papers, an extremely high proportion of items about ethnic
issues which concerned alcohol, almost exclusively concerned Aboriginal
people. A further aspect of this research identifies the representation of conflict
between a particular ethnic group and the wider society, particularly when
compared with the proportion of items that present co-operation between that
group and the wider society. Overall rural papers were more than 23 times as
likely to present conflict between Aboriginal people and others than it is to
present co-operation between Aboriginal people and others. Many of these
stories once again concern criminal matters. Other common themes which
indicated conflict between Aboriginal people and the wider society were political
709
issues such as Aboriginal land rights (Trigger and Waddell, 1990). The effect
that this predominantly negative presentation of Aboriginal people might have in
shaping the views and attitudes of the general community is an issue of great
concern by many Aboriginal people who spoke to the RCIADIC throughout the
State. The Chairperson of the Western Australian Aboriginal Media Association
told the RCIADIC:
The power of the media in terms of presenting information about Aboriginal people very much tends to reinforce the general negativity that the broader community has about Aboriginal people and the whole nature of Aboriginal affairs [RCIADIC, Transcript, Perth, 1990].
The majority of Perth suburban dwellers remember negative stories as the last
stories they saw in the media about Aboriginal people; according to survey
findings 75% of a sample responded that the last thing they read in the
newspaper, heard on the radio or watched on the television concerning
Aborigines was a crime or violence item. Only 15.2% mentioned a positive
portrayal as the last thing they remembered about Aboriginal people in the media
(Trigger and Waddell, 1990:13).
The research also suggested that items dealing with crime/violence are likely to
displace other positive portrayals of Aboriginal peopie which may be presented in
the media. The effect of this on views of Aboriginal people was also commented
on by Dr Trigger at one of my conferences:
Those that remembered crime/violence from the media disproportionately responded that 'most Aborigines strongly dislike white people ... [this] 'trend suggests a relationship between media consumption and an attitude arguably quite critical in the reproduction of poor race relations [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990].
Other comment the RCIADIC received on the treatment of Aboriginal people by
the media concerned the way which peoples such as Aborigines tended to be
represented as existing outside the realms of the community which the media
710
addresses in its news stories. A fonn of symbolic apartheid operates with the
result that media consumers are presented with an Australia divided into simply
'we' and 'them' with 'we' being nonnal, stable, rational and peaceful and 'them'
being abnonnal, chaotic, irrational and threatening. This was seen as a habitual
and largely unconscious practice within the news media, a part of the 'routine
common sense' of devising a news story. A senior lecturer in communication
and cultural studies at Murdoch University, Dr J. Hartley, told the RCIADIC:
Aborigines who are stereotyped as outsiders or as tribal cannot be seen as citizens with rights. More often they are treated as subjects of welfare, or in connection with crime stories. Groups like Aborigines who are routinely covered in news stories where the emphasis is on welfare or correction, are rarely asked to speak for themselves. As outsiders with a 'they' identity, they are newsworthy for their economic, security or welfare impact on 'our' community. So routine has the strategy of inclusion and exclusion become, that it is now natural, a part of common sense. One serious result is that it's hard for an Aboriginal spokesperson or eyewitness, or a story told from an Aboriginal perspective, to be seen as true. In other words, truth is not an absolute value in the news media; it is, as it were, what 'we' know to be true[RCIADIC, Transcript, Perth, 1990].
John Watson, a Walmajarri/Nygina speaker from the Kimberley region,
explained the way the defence of sacred land at Noonkanbah in 1980 was
covered showed that media represented the interests of non-Aboriginal people:
A lot of Aboriginal people and a lot of our European supporters got chucked in gaol, when the police got them people and put them in gaol and the other media hasn't told the truth. This is our time (to present the truth to the RCIADIC). I'm putting
forward to Commissioner Dodson today that should your commission into the media people, that we should have equal rights, that in our country the Aboriginal people speak for their rights that hasn't been put through to the media and through the newspapers. I mean, if they don't tell the truth - they are there only for their own purpose, the European people and the white people here in our country [RCIADIC, Transcript, Mary River,
1990].
A survey of Western Australian newspapers for the years 1984 and 1988 showed
that expressions of opposition to Aboriginal land rights significantly
711
out-numbered expressions of support. In The West Australian, for those two
years, 222 items containing opposition to Aboriginal lands rights appeared
compared with 183 items containing expressions of support. The figures for the
country press are far more dramatic with 119 oppositional expressions as against
53 supportive (Trigger and Waddell, 1990:7). Similarly, the results of the crisis
of Aboriginal life such as high crime rates, youth delinquency, alcohol use and
civil disturbances are apt to be seen as outside the responsibility of 'our'
community and unconnected with 'our' history and hence 'their problem'. Thus
misguided views that Aboriginal people are solely to blame for their situation,
tend to be reinforced.
18.5 Media visions of crime and disorder
Perhaps the most controversial area of media coverage of issues involving
Aboriginal people are those which also concern matters of crime, violence and
civil disturbances. Aboriginal people in Western Australia have submitted to the
RCIADIC that the news media sensationalise incidents involving Aborigines, that
they reflect mainly the views of the police, courts and others, that they often
distort events, neglect to obtain Aboriginal comments, are highly selective in the
choice of facts to present as relevant to their stories, and unfairly highlight
Aboriginality in criminal issues (RCIADIC, Transcripts, Perth, 30 May 1990).
The media on the other hand usually respond to such accusations by defending
the professional integrity of journalistic staff, by citing the 'public's right to
know' about who is committing serious crimes and unrest.
Undoubtedly, for news producers, crime and violence form an essential part of
the daily staple of dramatic events, which are seen to make the news exciting and
saleable to consumers and to be things the public is interested in knowing all
about. However, Aboriginal people rightly object to being used as the fodder for
'a good read'. As research noted earlier has shown, the news frequently
contains material about criminal matters that involve Aborigines. This ranges
from coverage of juvenile delinquency, alcohol related violence, thefts and
712
assaults to bigger, more sensational events such as riots and disorder. These
latter provided dramatic spectacles for media's news hungry gaze at Mt Magnet in
1983, Mullewa in 1985 and Geraldton to name just a few (see Appendix 9).
There is a particularly controversial example of this kind of media treatment that
occurred during the term of this inquiry. It bears examination in detail. On
28 February 1990 The West Australian newspaper carried a page one lead story
with the headline 'Aboriginal gangs terrorise suburbs' by Helen Winterton, in
thick type across the page (see Appendix 10). This edition of the paper was
promoted at most of Perth's suburban news agencies and along city's major
streets, with bill-board posters consisting of the words 'Aboriginal gangs
terrorise suburbs' in thick type. The article reported on alleged Aboriginal child
and juvenile crime in the Bayswater-Maylands area.
On 2 March 1990, ABC Radio journalist Mr Doug Spencer and 45 other
journalists wrote to the Editor of The West Australian to complain about the
'gangs' story and the way other Aboriginal issues had been treated by the paper
in the preceding 4 or 5 days. The journalists deplored the 'sensationalism,
patronising attitudes and outright racism' evident in some of the reporting. The
letter states:
The story proper contained no hard news link to any event or alleged event of the preceding 24 hours. The 'suburbs' turned out to be just three adjoining ones. Nobody identified as Aboriginal was quoted on the front page. The story reported allegations by police officers, and hoteliers and their staff. Their
was just one allegation detailed which involved a serious attack on a suburbanite in a street. Otherwise the article comprised general remarks by police officers and more specific allegations by persons involved in selling liquor. Alleged crimes at liquor outlets do not amount to terrorise[d] suburbs.
Inquiries to the police in the Bayswater area revealed that the alleged Aboriginal
gang terror amounted to the theft of a cash register from the Ashfield Tavern, by
three Aboriginal youths who had subsequently been arrested by police from
another station, the assault on a young woman and her male partner at the
713
Bayswater railway station by Aboriginal youths, and a brawl at the Maylands
Tavern which involved Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal adult drinkers. These
incidents were seen to be isolated from each other.
The crime figures from the Bayswater Police Station support these claims. For
instance, in February 1990, at the height of the alleged Aboriginal 'gang terror'
not a single charge was laid against an Aboriginal juvenile while
3 non-Aboriginal juveniles were arrested for offences including break and enter,
and stealing. No Aboriginal juveniles had been sent before the Children's Court
Panel or taken into any form of custody. In the same month 5 Aboriginal and
17 non-Aboriginal adults had been arrested.
Police at neighbouring Maylands presented a very similar picture. A police
officer who had been stationed at Maylands a year by the time of the article
described the most serious of the incidents involving Aboriginal people as
'isolated' and stated that the police had more trouble with 'white street kids' than
Aboriginal youths. The officer said there had been 'a bit of a problem in
February' from one Aboriginal family, who had since left the area:
This thing certainly did not deserve this sort of headline. Maylands certainly does not have the problem some people think it has. we don't get really serious offences here. Ninety per cent of complaints relate to NPPs (No Particular Persons) and most people eventually charged are white. We have a high rate of petty crime, stealing, but the majority of those involved are white. Aboriginal crime has remained pretty standard for the past 18 months with no rise in incidents [RCIADIC research notes, 19 July 1990].
The officer strongly refuted claims that 'racial tensions were rising' and that the
'situation was getting out of control' in May lands.
The only people we've been arresting for multiple house break-ins are white people such as drug addicts and street kids. If they [reporters] had looked at the Maylands figures [police arrest book] they would prove that. We've never had a call from the Western Australian.
714
The officer's reaction when first reading the 'Aboriginal gangs' story:
I thought ... you've got to be joking! They're [The West
Australian] in it for a headline.
The Maylands police records, like those at Bayswater, simply do not support the
28 February headline. In February 1990 only 7 Aboriginal people were
arrested, 5 adults and 2 juveniles out of a total of 35 arrests. In the previous
month, January, 5 Aboriginal adults were arrested and one Aboriginal juvenile
within a total of 27 arrests.
At meetings with Aboriginal people in Bunbury, Katanning, Gnowangerup,
Wagin and Albany in March the Aboriginal Issues Unit (AIU) was infonned that
this article was used by a local radio 'talk-back' presenter to solicit a flood of
misguided and prejudiced calls from listeners. A similar exercise was carried out
by a well known Perth radio 'talk-back' identity. Aboriginal people spoken to in
these towns, as well as in the Perth area told members of the AIU the headline
and story were distressing to them and had seriously misinformed the non
Aboriginal community. It was felt that the already negative community attitudes
toward Aboriginal people in this State were made worse by the story and the bill
boards advertising it.
It is my Commission's belief that no reasonable case can be made for justifying
such a headline, with its connotations of civil emergency and race riots, on the
basis of both the 'facts' offered in the accompanying article, and infonnation
relating to the circumstances of the writing of the article. In the view of my
Commission, to claim that gangs of Aborigines have terrorised suburbs in the
past, have done so since the appearance of this article, or will do soin the future
does not detract from the fundamental untruth of this headline and article at the
time they appeared.
715
Differences in the way non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal youth delinquency are
treated by Perth press can be observed when comparing the front page
construction of the 'Aboriginal gangs' story with a later story about
non-Aboriginal gang terror. On 15 June 1990 The West Australian ran a page 3
story entitled 'Gang turns train trip into terror' about a 'wild gang of 50 youths'
who 'took over' a suburban commuter train and 'terrorised its occupants with
spray cans and abusive language'. The youths apparently threatened to 'bash an
off duty police officer who had tried to step in' and 'threatened to throw off
anyone who interfered'. This page 3 single column story, without a bold
headline, no photographs or interviews with terrorised passengers and Westrail
employees (see Appendix 11) is markedly subdued compared with the
'Aboriginal gangs' story of 28 February 1990.
Newspapers in Western Australia can and do, on occasion, publish lengthy
feature articles on aspects of Aboriginal affairs. The amount of feature articles on
Aboriginal issues in The West Australian has observably increased over the past
few months, and these are found mainly in the Big Weekend supplement. For
instance, in three consecutive Saturday editions The West Australian contained
features on Aboriginal issues; Big Weekend of Saturday, 2 June there were two
features on Aboriginal issues, 'Black world, white words', a review of a book
by Mudrooroo Narogin, and Testimonial to the 'real' Mr Neville', a review of a
book on A.O. Neville, the 'Protector of Aborigines' from the 1910s to 1930s.
The 9 June edition contained another more lengthy review of the same book,
with large photographs, and a page 59 feature on 'A race to map ancient tribes of
Australia'. The 18 June edition of Big Weekend continued this trend with a
major feature on Nyoongah author Graeme Dixon 'Jail a catalyst for Literary
Success' and another full page article on the success of Aboriginal art at an
exhibition in Venice 'Art Among the Gondolas and the Glitterati, Australia makes
an original impact'.
716
Without commenting on the choice or treatment of those topics, it would appear
that efforts had been made by the editorial staff of the paper to include substantial
in-depth material on Aboriginal affairs, and this in itself is praiseworthy.
18.6 Country newspapers and Aboriginal people
The treatment of Aboriginal issues in the country press exhibited the same
problems as city based newspapers, that is:
a tendency to sensationalise crime and civil disturbances involving Aboriginal people. A strong emphasis on reporting court proceedings, in which the Aboriginality of offenders tends to be made known unnecessarily;
a reliance on police sources for much of their stories, and a general failure to canvass Aboriginal opinion or cross-check police accounts of incidents;
⢠a failure to include Aboriginal people within the
community of readers that is addressed by the paper. That is, Aboriginal people tend to be treated as outside the normal business of mainstream society, which is perceived as Anglo-Saxon, and represented mainly when perceived as presenting a challenge or threat to that society;
a tendency to reproduce colonial and race stereotypes about Aboriginal people both by invoking Eurocentric notions of savagery, timelessness and primitivism and by superficially treating Aboriginal social problems so as to leave readers with the impression that they are caused by something innate to Aboriginal people themselves, this includes ... ;
⢠a failure to background readers in the historical and social issues which, stemming from the fact of colonisation, mean that superficial or 'common sense' ways of trying to understand Aboriginal affairs are inadequate.
The influence of the media on relations between Aboriginal people and
non-Aboriginal people in country areas of Western Australia has been a focus of
recent research. The Human Rights Commission National Inquiry Into Racist
Violence received two submissions in 1990 that identified the crucial role of the
717
media in reinforcing negative attitudes about Aboriginal people, and heightening
fear and tensions in country towns.
The Pilbara study, focussing on the towns of Port Hedland and Roebourne
presented evidence by Aboriginal people of alleged acts of violence and brutality
against them by police officers during the 1980s. It also examined the tensions
that arose in the town following an increase in the number of Aboriginal people
moving in from outlying areas in the late 1980s:
In May 1988 tension within the town came to a head at a dramatic public meeting of about 500 people. The local newspaper, the North West Telegraph, announced the issues in a dramatic front page story headlined, 'Headland Crime Wave Shock: Vigilantes Threat To Hit Back'. The story told of reports of the existence of a vigilante group which was ready to patrol the streets armed with baseball bats to combat alleged vandalism and car thefts. The prime suspects in the public mind were Aboriginal juveniles [Gallagher, 1990: 2].
A Geraldton study found the media, both local and the Perth daily papers to have
had a similar role in contributing to racial tension and discrimination in that town.
Gerald ton has featured prominently within the general coverage of race relations
in Western Australia over the past few years. The deaths of three Aboriginal
people in police and prison custody in 1988 and that of a Maori man who was
part of the Aboriginal community in 1986 have, as noted by Allbrook and
Cattalini (1990: 15), contributed to deteriorating community relations. The
funeral of one of these, Edward Cameron, on 25 July 1988 was followed by a
riot in the town's main street, allegedly provoked by the racist jeers of a
publican, which attracted nationwide media coverage (see Appendix 12).
The researchers found widespread criticism of the way in which the media
emphasised and dramatised criminal and civil disturbances that involved
Aboriginal people:
Recently, the race relations situation in Geraldton has received close scrutiny from the 'Geraldton Guardian' and the 'Daily News'. All respondents [people surveyed by the researchers]
718
were of the opinion that the level of biased, negative journalism in the 'Geraldton Guardian' and the 'Daily News' had led to racial stereotyping of Aboriginal people as drunken, unruly criminals. Opportunities to promote the positive contribution of Aboriginals to the Geraldton community had been neglected
[ibid:17].
It was also found that television news coverage of Aboriginal issues in Geraldton
was criticised for maintaining an image of crisis by repeatedly using file footage
of the riot of 25 July 1988 to illustrate unrelated stories.
The following approach to Aboriginal issues is fortunately not representative of
the majority of the country press in Western Australia:
Wages now [are] pretty good but the hours are long and hard. It [is] difficult to get the natives on the job now because of the amount of morons who were employed by the taxpayer to go around and tell the natives that the world owed them a living ... [Editorial Kimberley Echo, 2 August 1984].
It does however provide a representative sample of the editorial line of what was,
for many years, until recently, the only regional newspaper for the whole of the
Kimberley. The Kimberley Echo has been the subject of considerable criticism
regarding its treatment of Aboriginal issues throughout out the 1980s. In 1982
the ABC TV current affairs programme Nationwide examined the fortnightly
paper and the impact it was having on race relations in Kununurra (Stafford,
1988:140). In 1988 Ansett Airlines of Western Australia refused to continue
providing passengers with copies of the paper (Stafford, 1988:146).
Aboriginal people were very critical of the paper's habit of highlighting reports of
court appearances which named offenders and detailed offences. One, an
Aboriginal radio journalist, said this practice had a 'very negative impact in a
small community where everyone knows everyone else' [Wayne Binder,
Aboriginal Broadcasters Conference, Cockatoo Springs 28 June 1990].
719
Stafford (1988:143) found that:
While this practice may not be unique to Kununurra it could well be argued that, considering the number of occasions on which Aboriginal defendants comprise 100 per cent of any one court sitting, the publication of such 'facts' does little to reduce tension or reduce already firmly entrenched beliefs about the innate criminality of Aborigines.
As has been mentioned before, isolating the effects of this kind of treatment of
Aboriginal people on the attitudes of the general community is difficult. Like in
many outback areas of Western Australia, attitudes toward Aboriginal people in
many ways still reflect the economic relations of the past where Aboriginal
people were forced to provide cheap and, at one stage, virtual slave labour for
non-Aboriginals, mainly on the pastoral stations.
Clearly, The Kimberley Echo is the product of a view of Aboriginal people that is
profoundly colonialistic. Part of this view is that Aboriginal people are outside
the community of readers addressed by this paper (Appendix 13 provides just
one example of this). The fundamental economic reality of the commercial media
industry, appears to be that regardless of stated defences of freedom of
expression, to serving the whole community, to reporting the news without fear
or favour, the requirement to make a profit is likely to be the over-riding
consideration of the proprietors.
Proprietors of regional newspapers need to seriously consider editorial policies
that will include Aboriginal people within the community of readers and as a
result, their perceived marketplace. This means more thoughtful and sensitive
treatment of Aboriginal affairs, coverage of Aboriginal issues and events as
though they are an important part of community rather than of marginal interest,
and including Aboriginal views within the category of 'public opinion' rather
than assuming the public to be non-Aboriginal.
720
18.7 Radio and 'Talk-Back'
Of great concern to Aboriginal people is the way issues concerning them are
handled during public access programmes on radio, which are commonly
referred to as 'talk-back' programmes. 'Talk-back' programmes are heard
mainly in the morning on commercial, public and ABC radio stations. During
the 1980s they became high-rating programmes, their popular appeal based on
permitting ordinary people to comment publicly on controversial news and issues
of the day. The daily discussion topics of these programmes are drawn together
by the 'host' who usually follows up social and political issues that have
circulated prominently within the rest of the media in the previous days.
A comparative analysis of two different radio talk-back programmes in Perth
conducted by anthropologists at the University of Western Australia revealed
how the radio presenter's style can profoundly influence the outcome of
discussion on Aboriginal issues (Taylor et al, 1990). The study examined
segments of programmes presented on ABC 6WF and commercial radio station
6KY dealing with Aboriginal land rights, at the height of the land rights debate in
Western Australia in 1984. It showed that the ABC presenter's style was
characterised by leading callers to think through their arguments, avoidance of
promoting his own points of view, reservation in providing positive or negative
feedback to callers, the challenging or ignoring of mis-informative comments.
On the other hand, the 6KY presenter made frequent use of colloquialisms and
cliches, for example 'I'm no expert but .. .', 'we're all in this together', 'what's
good for the goose is good for the gander', 'thin end of the wedge', 'stop the
rot', 'the chooks are coming home to roost', all phrases designed to invoke
home-spun 'common-sense' attitudes toward the issue, and emotionally
incorporate listeners into an imaginary community of like-minded 'battlers'. The
6KY presenter also tended to promote his own views and opinions, and
implicitly endorse or promote callers negative generalisations, opinion and
stereotypes about Aboriginal people, a list of which is worth quoting in full:
721
Aborigines get too many hand-outs.
Aborigines get more than the whites.
⢠Land rights are just one more handout.
⢠Aborigines are like spoilt children.
⢠Aborigines don't use the land.
Drinking rights are to blame.
⢠Aborigines drink their money.
Aborigines were immigrants like the rest of us and thus don't deseJVe land rights.
Equal opportunity - equal treatment.
We are not responsible for the past.
We don't owe them anything.
Aboriginal families are like leeches and drain away each others resources.
⢠Real Aborigines- full -bloods.
Full bloods are gentle people/part Aboriginals are grizzlers.
Part Aborigines have bad blood and are whingers and stirrers.
Do gooders are to blame, Aborigines are being manipulated by communists.
⢠Aborigines are problems and Aborigines have problems.
The answer to the problem is to round them up and variations on this theme [Taylor et al, 1990].
Significantly, it was found that the 6KY presenter tended to treat Aboriginal
callers with sarcasm while the ABC presenter used such opportunities to gain
more information for the benefit oflisteners. The study showed that in spite of
claims by commercial radio talk-back presenters that their aggressive and
provocative styles reflect their fervent quest to 'keep the public informed', it was
722
unquestionably the reasoned, inquiring, even-handed approach of the ABC
presenter that achieved an infonned debate for the benefit of listeners.
The long-standing anger of the Aboriginal community in Perth over one
particular talk-back host came to a head in April 1990. Commenting on the
deaths of three children who died in a car crash during a high speed police chase,
on 5 April 1990, the commentator said during a preview of his programme:
Well I say good riddance to bad rubbish. That's three less car thieves. I think, they're dead and I think that's good
[Transcripted from audio-tape held by the RCIADIC].
A meeting of over 100 Aboriginal people at the Western Australian Aboriginal
Media Association (WAAMA) on 6 April 1990 called on the Australian
Broadcasting Tribunal (ABT) to suspend the commentator from broadcasting and
to carry out an inquiry into the comments. In a fonnalletter of complaint to the
Tribunal, endorsed with 85 signatures, W AAMA's Director, wrote:
These comments have distressed and outraged a great many Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people in our community. Some have commented that it is the worst breach of journalistic ethics ever, not to mention the callous absence of common decency.
Apart from the enonnous pain these sort of statements cause family and friends of the children that died, they also have the effect of inciting racial hatred given that people in Perth were becoming aware that those who died were Aboriginal. The reference to people as 'bad rubbish' is strikingly similar to language used by racists to describe the ethnic minorities that are the objects of their hatred, for example the Nazis called the Jews 'vermin'.
The ABT received a total of 11 complaints over the same comments. The
commentator claims he did not know those killed were Aborigines when he made
the comments, and that Aborigines were out to 'gag' him (The West Australian,
30 May 1990, p.15). Indeed, theW AAMA Director has not hidden the intention
to have the commentator removed from the airwaves. An Aboriginal woman also
723
conveyed the outrage and anguish of the Aboriginal community at these
comments when she told my Commission:
... one of the concerns that I did have as a result of the police journalists link is the issue of the recent car chase that led to the death of three Aboriginal youths.
One of those young people that died is the child of my husband's cousin. And the family was, like the rest of the Aboriginal community - were very concerned about the statements made in the media as to reference to the deceased being considered as bad rubbish. I attended a meeting at an Aboriginal organization to discuss the issue of the media comments on the comments -sorry, I'm just very - I'm very angry because I've known that kid for so long and also as a part of my family network that those sorts of comments are being made about a human life. And I know that the rest of the Aboriginal community themselves are
also very angry about it. And something definitely needs to be done in terms of those particular comments ... [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990].
In the view of my Commission, it would be unfair, however, to radio journalists
not to refer to the relatively good work some of them do. More sensitive and
thoughtful treatment of Aboriginal issues is evidenced in some radio talk-back
programmes on ABC Radio, which, together with other locally produced radio
programmes such as Drive Time, also reflect the ABC's lesser concern with
ratings-boosting sensationalism than intelligent and informative broadcasting.
Public Radio stations generally are also observed to have an approach that avoids
the cheap harvesting of public prejudices about Aborigines, and some include
regular programmes produced by Aboriginal people themselves (see e.g. Section
6.6 where 'Aboriginal media' is discussed).
18.8 Identification of Aboriginality
An issue or recurring concern is the practice, in many sections of the media, of
identifying the race or cultural-ethnic background of alleged criminal offenders.
Journalists and editors have been known to justify this practice on the grounds
that publicly identifying the race of persons wanted by police will assist in their
apprehending. Indeed, police statements to the media will invariably state the
724
race of sought-after offenders for precisely this reason. There are, however, at
least two major incongruities between the stated reasons for this practice and the
circumstances in which it is often employed.
Firstly, this Commission has seen a number of examples of crime reports in
which the Aboriginality of sought after offenders is stated. However, more often
Aboriginality is the only descriptive attribute stated, and appears to take the place
of things such as height, build, clothing, hair colour, etc. which are otherwise
commonly used. It is difficult to understand how the mere stating of
Aboriginality is sufficient to describe wanted offenders, as if the belief that
alleged offenders are Aboriginal is all the person who may have information to
give to the police needs to know. The general effect of this however, is to make
Aboriginality synonymous with certain kinds of criminal behaviour.
The second problem is that my Commission has also seen a number of media
reports, mainly from newspapers, where the Aboriginality of alleged offenders is
stated even though they had already been arrested (Appendix 14 makes available
several examples). These reports are, in my Commission's view, open to
charges of gratuitous identification of race, and they cannot aid police in catching
anyone. What they do imply, however, is that it is significant that the crimes
were committed by Aborigines, that the reader should make sense of the story
differently because Aborigines were involved, rather than others. The crimes
become Aboriginal crimes, something one learns to recognise and comprehend in
the pages of a newspaper, and something one learns to expect is behaviour
characteristic of Aboriginal people. There are also indirect ways in which the
Aboriginality of an alleged offender is made known in some newspaper reports
which require attention. Some, like the stating of a person's place of residence,
for example an Aboriginal community, is perhaps unavoidable and fairly
standard practice regardless of race or cultural background. Equally,
recognisable Aboriginal names can identify Aboriginality, but these sorts of
practices have not been put to the RCIADIC as being of concern to Aboriginal
people. However, it was submitted to the Commission that the identification of
725
lawyers as being employed by the Aboriginal Legal Service may not be necessary
in straight forward criminal matters where wider issues of Aboriginal affairs are
not being touched upon. The following quote picks up my meaning here:
We go back to the court where I work every day: The situation is we've written to the Kalgoorlie Miner in the past where we've felt that every time it was an Aboriginal person that was highlighted in really dark ink or the big writing or it always said: Aboriginal Legal Service [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990].
Ethically, journalists are not supposed to identify the race or cultural-ethnic
background of an alleged or proven criminal offender unless the fact is of
necessary relevance to the story. This is expressed in the Journalists' Code of
Ethics as follows:
They shall not place unnecessary emphasis on gender, race, sexual preference, religious belief, marital status or physical or mental disability [Australian Press Council, 1989:19].
Similarly, the Australian Press Council's (APC) Statement of Principles also
deals with this point:
A newspaper should not, in headlines or otherwise, state the race, nationality or religious or political views of a person suspected of a crime, or arrested charged or convicted, unless the fact is relevant [APC 1989:4].
Concern among Aboriginal people that these ethics and principles should be
adhered to, was expressed in a letter of complaint to the Editor of the Daily News
on 18 May 1990 by the Director of the Western Australian Aboriginal Media
Association over the identification of the Aboriginality of an offender in a report
the previous day:
Failure to abide by this ethic, which disturbingly, is all too often the case, leads readers to associate criminality with 'racial' or cultural background, in this case Aboriginality. The cumulative effect of such reporting practices is to increase racial prejudice in our community.
726
I request that you publish an apology for his breach of ethics and that you instruct reporters and sub-editors to be vigilant on this issue as a matter of professionalism [Eggington, 1990].
Interestingly, in publishing this letter, the Daily News omitted the last paragraph
of the above part of it (Daily News, Letters, 18 May 1990). As much as the
inclusion of these ethics was a progressive development in media policy when
adopted in 1986, they have limitations which enable media producers to attempt
to justify continued identification of Aboriginality in crime stories. Problems lie
in the interpretation of the meaning of the words 'unnecessary emphasis' in the
Code of Ethics clause and 'unless the fact is relevant' in Principle 9 of the APC
Principles.
The cumulative effect of the identification of Aboriginality in crime reporting,
whether justified or not, is that media consumers overwhelmingly retain in their
memories a negative image of Aboriginal people. Research supporting this has
been noted previously. Clearly, given that there continues to be concern at the
seemingly groundless identification of the Aboriginality of criminal offenders by
the media, there needs to be a serious rethink of the efficacy of existing
guidelines and professional codes dealing with the issue, and the methods of
policing them. Either these are inadequate and in need of further clarification and
arnendmeni, or they are simply being disregarded by some media producers, or
perhaps both.
18.9 Racial and colonial stereotypes and images
It must be stressed that the use of racial stereotypes in the media do not
necessarily reflect the conscious views of journalists, although they may in some
cases. Rather they 'speak through' individual journalists, as part of a powerful
institutional way of seeing and writing. Dr John Hartley told the Commission:
Racial stereotyping and racism in the media is institutional, not individual. That is, it results from news values, editorial .policies, from routines of news gathering that are not in
727
themselves racist or consciously prejudicial. It results from the fact that most news stories are already written before an individual journalist is assigned to them, even before the event takes place. A story featuring Aboriginals is simply more likely to be covered, or more likely to survive sub-editorial revision or spiking, if it fits existing definitions of the situation [RCIADIC Transcripts, Perth, 1990].
There are a number of stereotypes of Aborigines circulating within Australian
society and popular culture, for example, that they are primitive and lack complex
laws and social organisation, are all alike, that they are racially more prone to
alcoholism, violent, ancient, emotional, criminal, mindlessly cruel, lazy, simple,
mystical, live in a timelessness state or on the so-called 'positive' side, are
childishly innocent, noble savage, 'beautiful people' and so on.
A major government commissioned report into attitudes toward Aboriginal
people in 1985, mentioned earlier, supports this assessment:
The predominant stereotype is of a primitive, nomadic people who are passive and lazy, and have become virtual alcoholics under the influence of white society [ANOP, 1985:13].
Most of these kinds of racial stereotypes have been observed by the Commission
in media treatment of Aboriginal issues over the past decade. An instructive
example follows. A page one caption to a photograph of a former Gallipoli
veteran, and his great-grandson clearly states their names and ages ('John
McCleery, 103; two-year-old great-grandson Benjamin'). However, a page 14
caption to photograph of an Aboriginal woman and her grandchild does not
include names or ages. The assumption behind this last photo and caption is that
all the reader needs to know is that the people depicted are Aboriginal, not who
they are as individual people, that Aboriginal-ness is the determining meaning of
the article.
As noted in earlier sections of my report (especially in Chapters 6 and 8) race
relations of an Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal kind need to be critically
examined. Contrasting representations express the view that the image of any
728
Aborigines stand for all Aboriginal people, that Aboriginal persons first and
foremost represent not themselves as individuals or a group engaged in a
particular activity at a particular time in a particular context, but a race and a
culture that is different/outside the dominant anglo-celtic realm. The two white
people are accorded the status of identifiable individuals, citizens with names,
whereas the two Aboriginal people are nameless, non-citizens, representing a
group that is other than the 'us' or 'we' that the articles construct as the collective
readership. Only rarely are newspaper photos of non-Aboriginals in similar
circumstances captioned without identifying the subjects. It is almost a question
of journalistic propriety and certainly courtesy that published close-up photographs identify the individuals depicted.
The patent inadequacy of common sense and common knowledge as means to
make sense of the historically produced situation of Aboriginal people and its
political implications for all Australians cannot be seen as the sole responsibility
of the media. That is, as considered in Chapter 12, the failure of the education
system to create an awareness and understanding of Aboriginal history, culture
and the implications of colonisation within children is likely to pave the way for
uncritical acceptance of media reports and images. The absence of any
comprehensive long-term government-initiated public education campaign about
Aboriginal affairs aimed at lifting European Australia out of its ethnocentric
indifference is of equal seriousness. The ANOP study of 1985 commissioned by
the Federal Government, which examined community attitudes to Aboriginal
issues stated that 'a campaign is desperately needed' and is worth quoting at
length:
It would be easy to despair at the extent of the ignorance, intolerance and misunderstanding uncovered by our research towards Aborigines generally and land rights more specifically. And much of the opposition to land rights in middle Australia is founded on lack of knowledge and understanding, compounded by underlying fears and prejudice. A campaign is definitely if not desperately, needed and ANOP re commends that to have lasting impact, the campaign should be like no government has ever attempted. Black rights generally, and land rights in particular, represent the most divisive and potentially explosive
729
issues we have ever dealt with - and we suspect that this country has faced in the post war period ... Continued silence by government means that those with vested interests in opposing land rights will retain the initiative and community attitudes will harden and divide further [ANOP, 1985:5].
On a broader scale however, the continued lack of recognition of indigenous
rights and reconciliation manifests aspects of the ongoing processes of
colonisation.
It was noted earlier, that one of the most consistent representations of Aboriginal
people made through the media was in association with alcohol. In the next
chapter, I consider the critical issue of alcohol and substance use.
730
Chapter 19
ALCOHOL AND SUBSTANCE USE
Similarly to the findings of Langton (1990:23) when reporting to the National
RCIADIC concerning underlying issues in the Northern Territory, this
Commission has also found that much of the content of discussions related
directly to problems arising from alcohol use and how to solve them. The
following material reflects some of the major concerns and issues regarding
alcohol use.
19.1 Historical aspects of alcohol
As noted by Brady (1990:195) 'it is often assumed that the Aboriginal
populations of Australia had no access to alcoholic beverages before the arrival
of the First Fleet from England in 1788'. This assumption denies that 'mood
altering fermented beverages derived from indigenous natural flora' (ibid) were
sought after and used by Aboriginal people prior to and following contact (see
e.g. Basedow, 1929 and Duncan-Kemp, 1934, as cited in Brady, 1990). It is
also a commonly held misconception that the granting of drinking rights, in
itself, in 1971led to the currently perceived high level of alcohol consumption by
Aboriginal people. The following points give a more accurate portrayal of the
real situation.
Firstly, as discussed elsewhere, recent suiVeys have shown there to be a similar
proportion of non-drinkers in the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities.
Secondly, as recorded by Haynes et al (1972), the prohibition laws began to be
relaxed some seven years earlier with the south-west region being proclaimed a
non-restricted area in 1964. In 1966 this was extended to cover the land south of
Port Hedland excluding the northern and eastern divisions and the Wiluna area of
731
the North Eastern division. In July 1971 the remaining restrictions on
Aboriginal drinking rights were lifted in the Kimberley and Eastern Goldfields
regions. Thirdly, as noted above, a brief look at history shows that alcohol has
been a significant part of some Aboriginal peoples lives both prior to and since
soon after colonisation.
Hasluck (1970) records some of the early comments about Aboriginal alcohol
consumption:
1. 1834 - the 'Perth Gazette' reported on complaints of natives [sic] being made drunk.
2 . 1849 - the Protector at York warned two 'very well known settlers-cum-publicans of that district against supplying liquor to natives [sic]'.
3. 1850 - the Perth Protector of Aborigines reported on the 'growing vice of drunkenness'.
4 . 1857 -the annual report of the Protector of Aborigines, Symmons, blamed the 'convict class' for the increasing level of drunkenness among Aborigines.
Hasluck (1970) goes on to document the concern of the colonialists to control
Aboriginal access to alcohol. Their subsequent legislative attempts at this date
from 1836-37 when the Select Committee produced two reports which included
the comment that 'the sale of ardent spirits to natives [sic] be prevented' (p.55).
The Publicans Act of 1843 attempted to prohibit the supply of spirit and
fermented liquor to Aborigines. Hasluck's (1970) comments reflect the
inefficiency of these attempts: 'The text of the legislation and the frequent
complaints of drunkenness of natives [sic] do not suggest that this was a very
thorough-going protective measure' (p.l58).
The Wines, Beer and Spirit Sale Act of 1880 again prohibited the sale of alcohol
to Aborigines. In 1902 this was amended to ensure 'part-Aborigines' (sic) were
similarly prohibited and hence bound by the Act. The Licensing Act of 1911
(Sections 118-120) continued this prohibition on the sale or gift of alcohol to
732
Aboriginal people and also banned the loitering on licensed premises, unless
gainfully employed by the licensee. The Aborigines Act of 1905, which later
became the Native Administration Act 1905-1936, enabled exemption, as
outlined elsewhere, from the various constraints placed on Aboriginal people by
the legislature. However, as noted by Neville (1947), the courts were quite strict
in the administration of the law. He relates the story of a non-Aboriginal man
being sentenced to three months imprisonment for supplying his Aboriginal
wife, who did not have an exemption certificate, with a glass of beer. The
Native Administration Act 1905-1940 saw the strengthening of Section 48 of the
1936 Act to include the prohibition of not only the supply or sale of alcohol or
opium but also the request to be supplied or given these substances, by
Aboriginal people.
The repeated attempts by the legislature to restrict Aboriginal peoples access to
and consumption of alcohol was a failure. This has been noted by Hasluck
(1970) and Neville (1974). Indeed Neville even comments that 'if we are to
pursue the matter logically we must in time grant these [sic] all the privileges we
ourselves enjoy' (p.252). The 1958 Report of the Special Committee on Native
Matters (With Particular Reference to Adequate Finance) considered the issue of
alcohol in the context of possible objections to the granting of Citizenship. FAE
Bateman's response to their questioning on this matter was: Those natives [sic]
who want to drink already get it, so many of the problems associated with drink
are already with us' (p.lO).
This point is developed further in the Annual Report of the Commissioner of
Native Welfare for the year ending 30 June 1968 in which the increase in the
number of Aboriginal people convicted for alcohol related offences is discussed.
The reason put forward is that this probably reflects the fact that drinking was
becoming more open, as it was no longer illegal, and hence police contact was
more likely.
733
19.2 'Why' alcohol and substance use?
Despite many efforts by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people to deal with the
devastating effects of alcohol, the numbers of people drinking to excess are on
the increase. However, while many people maintain 'binge' drinking, and there
are a variety of social mechanisms that are often associated with drinking patterns
and partners, it also needs to be pointed out that there are also many Aboriginal
people who do not drink at all. While this is a complex matter, overall, evidence
received through the RCIADIC conferences throughout the State,
overwhelmingly reveal that alcohol related matters in the Aboriginal community
are recognised as a major issue of concern (see RCIADIC Transcripts from
Roebourne, Broome, Geraldton, Carnarvon, Esperance, Albany and Perth,
1990). This concern is seen not only in terms of the conflict alcohol related
difficulties present to Aboriginal people with regard to family dislocation, illness,
violence and low self esteem, but also in terms of the way alcohol is linked to
arrest and custody. As noted above, with regard to the Deaths in Custody cases
within Western Australia, all were in some way associated with alcohol.
From the findings put before me, it continues to be significant that
non-Aboriginal people, and the structures of which they are a part, must be better
informed about the 'why' of alcohol. They must be informed that alcoholism is
an introduced illness, which carries with it social and physiological
consequences, that has emerged among Aboriginal people largely because of
their political, social, legal, economic and cultural marginalisation in this State.
Further, until non-Aboriginal people and institutions accept and acknowledge this
fact, the need to address the very serious consequences presented by the over-use
of alcohol, there will be no lasting resolution. In sum, over-use of alcohol is
simultaneously a health problem, a cause of other health problems, and a
symptom of socio-political related problems.
734
19.3 Some consequences of alcohol
Alcohol was identified by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people as one of
the most common problems confronting Aboriginal people in this State. Some of
the reasons put forward to explain why alcohol is such an important factor in the
lives of Aboriginal people (whether someone actually drank or not was not
important) included:
It is just that we are downtrodden and that is where we are stuck ... we are classified all the same. You are no better than the one that drinks and lays around in the bush. We are no better [RCIADIC, Esperance Transcript in confidence, 1990:1 06].
Land displacement and being forced to live without sufficient resources for
alcohol rehabilitation services, not enough Aboriginal people involved in alcohol
rehabilitation, ease of access to alcohol and credit for alcohol, peer pressure,
powerlessness, fear and family breakup, and unemployment were all given as
reasons why people drink (RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River, 1990:14-17).
You're not a man if you don't drink [RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River 1990:17];
... Because nobody like them ... They has not got the power of their own to support themself because they class themself as a nobody [RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River, 1990:18);
The Aboriginal person never brought it on himself [RCIADIC Transcript, Roeboume, 1990:39];
Loss of our land [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:324];
Social causes of inequality and lack of opportunity [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990];
People drink because of pressure and stress [RCIADIC, Transcript, One Arm Point, 1990].
Alcohol use, and its consequences, was identified by the NAHSWP as one of the
major health problems during its consultation process. It must be considered as a
health problem in its own right, as a cause of other health problems and as a
735
consequence of the social, political, economic and cultural deprivation impacting
on Aboriginal people. It is important to acknowledge that drug use, including
alcohol, is a significant problem in the wider Australian community and the target
of the National Drug Offensive. It is inappropriate to label alcohol as a uniform
Aboriginal problem, as there is a wide range of drinking behaviours both within
and between communities.
Of the 32 deaths under consideration by this Royal Commission, ten (31.25%)
had some alcohol detected in their bodies at autopsy. Nineteen (59.4%) were in
custody on an alleged alcohol related matter (assumed drunk, disorderly, driving
under the influence, or for non-payment of a fine for an alcohol related matter).
The widely held assumption that all Aboriginal people are large consumers of
alcohol, was frequently reported to the Commission. This myth can be easily
dismissed by consideration of some of the surveys conducted in Western
Australia in recent times:
(i) In 1986, a survey of the general population, by
Blaze-Temple et al (1986), showed that 30.1% of all those surveyed were non-drinkers (38.5% women and 17.9% men);
(ii) In 1986, a survey of homeless Aboriginal people in Hedland by Smith et al (1986), showed that 28% were non-drinkers (28.6% women and 28.2% men);
(iii) In 1986, a survey of Aboriginal people in Wiluna by Smith et al (1987), showed that 23.1% were non-drinkers (32. 7% women and 13% men);
(iv) In 1984, a survey of Aboriginal people in Roeboume by the Alcohol Advisory Committee (1984), showed that 39.7% were non-drinkers (55.6% women and 29.3% men);
(v) In 1981, a survey of Aboriginal people in Collie by Willoway et al (1981 ), showed that 25% were non-drinkers (40% women and 16.7% men).
736
Alcohol impacts upon the health of the drinker in many ways. If the drinker is
able to maintain a balanced diet then some of the consequences will be less
marked than in someone who is unable to maintain an adequate diet. This is
compounded by the high incidence of other causes of ill-health:
e.g. cardiovascular disease, diabetes, hepatitis. The social disruption which is
often associated with alcohol consumption not only impacts upon the health of
the consumer, but also on the health of those in the community of which the
consumer is a part. Despite this, alcohol also has a positive role in Aboriginal
communities according to the NAHSWP. Drinking is beginning to be seen as a
group activity in which the sharing 'promotes sociability and solidarity' (NAHS,
p.l93).
Despite the lack of evidence, and the almost universal discrediting of the notion,
there are still those who promote the simplistic and victim blaming theory that
there is a genetic basis to Aboriginal alcohol consumption. As recently as May
1990 Professor Norman Palmer, the recently appointed Head of the
Biochemistry Department at the University of Western Australia, proposed
conducting research to see if genetic factors influence the drinking behaviour of
Aboriginal people in remote communities (Uniview, 1990, p.ll). As the
NAHSWP records show, it is time for people to recognise the 'complex and
dynamic situation in which many historical, legislative, political and social
factors interact to produce a social milieu in some Aboriginal communities in
which alcohol figures prominently' (p.194). Alcohol must be seen as a symptom
of dispossession, alienation and discrimination resulting in a loss of self esteem,
and not the cause of that loss. An instance of this was stressed by John
Williams, the Community Medical Officer in Carnarvon for 12 years, who is
quoted in Commissioner O'Dea's Report on the death of Wayne Dooler:
' ... drinking was a symptom of a deep, underlying stress in the community'
(p.2).
737
19.3.1 Sobering up shelters and other initiatives
While Commissioner O'Dea addresses the issue of sobering up shelters in some
detail, the following provides an overview of some of my concerns in this
regard.
In order to address excess drinking effectively it must be approached on a
community basis and not with an individual disease ideology in mind. Stop gap
measures which appease the police and take the pressure off them, such as
sobering up shelters, need to be linked to a broader approach which deals with
the structural determinants, as outlined above, of drinking. Otherwise the
pressures which force people to drink heavily will not decrease, and hence more
people will be drinking heavily and more shelters will be required, and so on.
Commenting on the proposed sobering up shelters, Commissioner O'Dea, in his
report on the death of Wayne Dooler, commented:
For these centres to be successful in aiding Aboriginals, they must be operated by Aboriginal people (p.22].
The Western Australian Alcohol and Drug Authority (WAADA) is only
proposing that four sobering up shelters be established at present. They will be
located at Halls Creek, Fitzroy Crossing, South Hedland and Perth. They will
be run strictly as sobering up shelters with no formal integration with educative
or rehabilitative initiatives (R. Midford, Project Co-ordinator, W AADA, May
1990). This is in conflict with the report to the Western Australian Aboriginal
Health Policy Review (AHPR) Team which stated that they would be:
complemented by education and training initiatives, and research and evaluation programs [p.7].
The Perth and Port Hedland shelters have been awarded to the Salvation Anny.
The Peoples Church has been selected to manage the shelter in Halls Creek and a
local Aboriginal group will manage the one in Fitzroy Crossing. Despite
738
decriminalisation of drunkenness, the options for the rest of Western Australia
remain the lockup or being transported home at the discretion of the police.
The role of the W AADA report (1990) needs to be evaluated further. This report
acknowledges that it has been difficult for Aboriginal people to access the
services offered by the W AADA. In order to address this the W AADA has
recently reviewed its admission criteria to Carrellis, the detoxification centre in
Perth, and advertised to employ an Aboriginal receptionist and nurse there.
Though this is a step towards ensuring Aboriginal people feel a little more
comfortable when accessing the service of the centre, it by no means guarantees
that access. The report to the AHPR Team tends to deal with alcohol as an
individual pathology rather than as a response to the social, economic or political
forces which impact on a person's self esteem, power and position in society.
Indeed it is a descriptive report of activity rather than a statement of philosophy
and direction and the actions which should flow from that. If significant and
effective strategies are to be implemented, then clear statements regarding
'causation', aims and objectives need to be stated. The report to the Commission
from the Alcohol and Drug Authority, July 1990, describes some of the
underlying causes of alcohol use in the Aboriginal community but do not convey
a clear understanding of real underlying causes and the factors which stem from
them. There is just a restating of the list of factors put forward by the 1977
House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs along with
the views of some Aboriginal agencies with no prioritising of the cause or effeci
of drinking behaviour.
The Alcohol and Drug Authority commissioned an independent review of
Aboriginal alcohol rehabilitation or treatment programmes in 1988, the O'Connor
Report. It is of note that this review only looked at programmes run by
Aboriginal organisations and did not look at the services provided by the
W AADA itself. This lengthy report contained some detailed descriptions of the
history of many of the services. It included some rather paternalistic
recommendations such as the power of the proposed Area Training Officers
739
regarding monitoring and accountability compliance. These seem at odds with
the advocacy of 'self-management' (albeit with strings attached). Despite the
deficiencies and criticisms contained in the report about most of the existing
services, it concluded that 'we do not believe that radical closure of existing
facilities will improve this situation; instead we suggest that they be worked with
to develop their full potential' (O'Connor, 1988: 193). If the review team felt
strongly about this then a more positive orientation regarding the empowerment
and self-determination aspects of existing initiatives rather than the shortcomings
would seem more appropriate. The provision of adequate material resources and
assistance with developing managerial skills are necessary requirements for the
success of such programmes.
The actual clinical contact provided by the Alcohol and Drug Authority to
Aboriginal people in 1988-89 was minimal. This ranged from 2% (i.e. 41
people) undergoing some form of Detoxification at Carrellis, to an impressive
sounding 47% of the clinical services provided by the Derby Regional Office to
Aboriginal people. This is no where near so impressive when the actual number
of people this represents is stated; Sixteen (16) (WAADA, July 1990). This
highlights the inadequacy of the services Aboriginal people have access to
throughout the State. Though the W AADA supports four alcohol rehabilitation
services run by Aboriginal people (Ngurawaana, Milliya Rummura, Walgo
Wydgee and Yamatji Ngura) there are no such centres readily accessible to the
people of the south west. Between 1 to 10% of clients of metropolitan based
non-government (and non-Aboriginal) agencies were Aboriginal. This
represents only 1 to 47 people per agency (W AADA, July 1990).
The inadequacy of the resources provided by the W AADA around the State was a
common comment at the regional conferences conducted by the Commission
(RCIADIC Transcripts, Broome, Geraldton, Esperance, 1990). There are only
two positions for each of the six country regions. In two of those regions there
was only one worker at the time of the conference (Kalgoorlie and Albany).
740
The Alcohol and Drug Authority's stated future initiatives include: in-service
education on Aboriginal socio-cultural and economic issues for non-Aboriginal
staff; developing more Aboriginal-focussed programmes; improving Health
Department of Western Australia AHW skills in substance use problems;
employment of an Aboriginal Education Officer; attempting to improve the
accessibility of the Authority's detoxification facility; and support for the
metropolitan based Nyoongar Alcohol and Substance Use Service (W AADA,
July 1990). These seem useful initiatives, but this must be contrasted with
limited financial resources being provided to the community organisations, and
tokenistic staffing.in the regions. It is difficult to envisage the true desire of the
Authority to provide a meaningful service to Aboriginal people.
19.4 'Alcohol kills something in your body'
European professionals are absorbed in the concept of alcoholism as individual pathology and this obscures the real issues. A move must be made (away) from the disease concept of alcoholism if change and solutions are to be forthcoming [Fagan &Swan, 1989:195].
Grog kills the cells in the body but it also kills the traditions and the culture - everything [RCIADIC Transcript, One Arm Point, 1990].
Alcohol has many effects on a person. It affects a person's judgement and is a
significant factor in traffic accidents. It acts as an agent to decrease inhibitions
so that people may be more likely to participate in risk behaviour. Many people
commented during the Commission's conferences and meetings, that alcohol
allowed people to say things they were too oppressed, or 'shy', to say when
they were not under the influence of alcohol. It acts as a depressant and hence is
a key factor in suicide and self-inflicted harm attempts. In a recent review of
reported incidents of self-harm 47% of the Aboriginal people involved were
reportedly under the influence of alcohol (RCIADIC Criminology Research Unit
Paper 16, 1990). Spencer's submission to the Commission supports this
(G/14/S/p.3).
741
Alcohol can create a chemical dependency with regular daily consumption,
which can cause a withdrawal state, on ceasing consumption, which includes
anxiety, tremor, visual or auditory hallucinations that are particularly disturbing.
Spencer in his submission comments that it is not hard to see why people in
seclusion may become very frightened in a short period of time and may decide
that the only means of escape is to kill themselves. He goes as far as to say that
'All people for whom a history of excessive alcohol input is a possibility and
who are to be locked in a small cell for any longer than a few minutes should be
regarded as potential candidates for the acute alcohol withdrawal syndrome
known as Delirium Tremens and should be rendered the appropriate medical
treatment and management' (p.4). Hunter (1988) also comments than an
'alcoholic psychosis', may occur in steady drinkers without actually stopping
drinking and it may persist for months.
Other effects of alcohol include the rapid consumption of limited financial
resources. The tendency to eat poorly, due either to drinking or the lack of
money, increases the chances of malnutrition, which increases the chances of
illness due to decreased immune status. Fits are more common because of the
possibility of withdrawal fits or the lowering of the fit threshold in people who
suffer from epilepsy. Trauma is more likely as are specific diseases such as
gastritis and intestinal bleedings, liver disease, renal disease, heart disease, high
blood pressure, anaemia, and mental conditions, such as Korsakoffs psychosis.
Given the massive impact that alcohol has had on the lives of Aboriginal people
in this State - either directly or indirectly - the following section considers an
aspect of relevant legislation in relation to this critical issue.
19.5 Liquor Licensing Act (1988), Western Australia
As noted at the commencement of this chapter, alcohol use and drinking rights
was a matter frequently raised with this Commission, by members of the
742
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal community. The inception of 'Drinking Rights'
were often the subject of critical comment.
Aboriginal people were said to have been introduced to their right to drink by:
officers [who] were sent around mission stations where people knew nothing about drink at all. And they were told to go down to the nearest pub to Laverton, for example, and places like that and go and ask for it, take your money in and get it. And if they refuse you come and tell us because it's your right.
They didn't tell them there were any wrongs about it, or any possibilities of addiction and so on. Although a little booklet was prepared in the south-west for the Nyoongah people telling 'em how to dress and then to go into a hotel and ask for a drink and so on and to be properly respectable-looking when they went into a hotel [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:407].
It is not proposed to deal with the history and granting of 'drinking rights' here
as that was referred to earlier. This Section deals with the present Liquor
Licensing Act (1988) and the need for enforcement of its provisions.
The problem of alcohol use in communities is addressed in the Committee to
Defend Black Rights (CDBR) submission on underlying issues (see p.90 for
community comment). The CDBR submission to this Commission raises thow
and by whom a person is defined as 'drunken' as a threshold issue. This
definition is contained in Section 115(3) and is said to be inadequate (see
p.126-128, CDBR Submission). The perception of what constitutes a 'drunken
person' is a continuing problem and a matter about which there is a need to
further educate police officers.
19.5.1 The sale of alcohol to drunken persons
While referring extensively to alcohol use throughout the State, the ALS in its
submission made the point that in the Kimberley, the Pilbara and the
Murchison/Gascoyne Aboriginal people are served alcohol by publicans even
after they are clearly drunk. This situation would also appear to prevail in the
743
Eastern Goldfields although specific reference is not made to that area in the ALS
submission.
I understand that under Section 44 of the Police Act it is an offence for a
publican to have drunken or disorderly people on the premises. Under the
previous legislation of the Liquor Act, the complaint was made to the Hedges
Review that at Roeboume and Mowanjum (Derby), juveniles freely obtained
liquor and were prosecuted for under-age drinking intennittently. No-one could
remember a licensee being prosecuted. Hedges also received recurrent
complaints about extremely drunk people being supplied with alcohol (Hedges,
1986:23-29).
The present Liquor Licensing Act 1988 specifically prohibits the sale of alcohol
to a 'drunken person' (Section 115(2), Liquor Licensing Act). The provision in
the Act is mandatory. A publican 'shall not' sell or supply liquor to a drunken
person. The penalties for doing so are:
In the case of the licensee or manager $5,000, in the case of an employee or agent $2,000, and in any other case $1,000.
Obviously, if licensees or their employees or agents were being charged and
penalized according to the Act, there would be some deterrent to the continuance
of the practice. The practice continues and it would appear that licensees are
rarely if ever charged with the offence.
The ALS submission suggests that in the Pilbara:
There is also a significant problem of Aboriginals being served until they are drunk and when their money has run out the licensees ring the police and have the Aboriginal person arrested [p.44 and see also CDBR submission on underlying issues p.124].
The Police Union Submission to my Commission, while not actually addressing
this issue, made the following comment:
744
The Royal Commission must, in the Union's view, implore Aboriginals to accept responsibility for health, education and respect for the rules of the society in which they live and from which they expect to benefit [p.18].
Nobody would dispute the extent of the problem of alcohol use and its
secondary effects- disturbance, disruption, violence, poverty, disease, hunger.
Aboriginal people are struggling to address the extent of the problem (CDBR
Submission, 1990:98 et seq). The struggle of Aboriginal people must, to have
any success, be supported by the law enforcement agencies.
My Commission was told in Kalgoorlie that there was a two member Liquor and
Gaming Branch to police the whole area. There was an acknowledged need to
provide new police with education about their duties with respect to the Liquor
Licensing Act. Superintendent Webb told the Commission that:
we do have prosecutions being launched against publicans ... as a deterrent for whatever breaches they commit [RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:314].
Superintendent Davies from Geraldton, told this Royal Commission that the
police are to 'let the licensee know he will be charged if he serves people affected
by liquor'. He had himself:
spoken to the two joint owners of the [a hotel] and ... informed them that, if they permit drunkenness on their premises, namely that front verandah area, we'd be looking at having them charged [RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton, 1990:264].
My Commission, after being apprised of the situation in Wiluna through perusal
of the transcripts in the Anderson case and the submission of the ALS, is of the
view that it would be apparent that the police, in arresting Aboriginal people for
'drunk' or associated offences are exercising their discretion in favour of the
licensees of that hotel in a discriminatory fashion. It is also apparent that this use
of discretion is to some extent sanctioned by some superior officers, which I
745
regard as unsatisfactory. When questioned about the numbers of charges
brought against licensees, one Magistrate in a large country town told this
Commission in confidence that there had been 'very, very, very few indeed'.
The law in this area is quite clear. The Police Force of Western Australia has
Liquor Branch officers. All other members of the Force have the power to
charge offenders under the Liquor Licensing Act 1988 yet 'very, very, very few'
prosecutions are launched against licensees (see also CDBR Submission,
1990:135).
19.5.2 Government advice on Liquor Licensing
The Government in its advices as to implementation of the Vincent Report
recommendations commends the new Liquor Licensing Act to this Royal
Commission as providing an 'increased range' of penalties which include:
⢠suspension of license;
⢠cancellation oflicense;
⢠variation of license;
⢠disqualification of licensees;
⢠fines of up to $5 ,000;
⢠security bonds for future conduct.
The relevant disciplinary sections of the Liquor Licensing Act 1988 are
Section 95 and Section 96. Disciplinary action may be taken where the
continuation of the license is not in the public interest or when the safety, health
or welfare of persons resorting to the hotel may be placed in jeopardy,
Section 95(4) (j) & (k).
746
Superintendent Davies commented about the Wiluna Hotel:
At one stage the police were just leaving the drunken people laying on the verandah of the hotel. And I've told them they've got to address the problem, they could be at risk as far as their health goes ... [p.264].
It would appear that if that situation has continued since December 1988,
Section 95(4) (j) & (k) of the Liquor Licensing Act 1988 are arguably
applicable. The police response is to 'talk' to the licensees about the problem.
The Government further assured me that Section 155 of the Liquor Licensing
Act 1988 requires the Commissioner of Police to issue orders and directions to
police officers to prevent breaches of the Act. That would allow for pro-active
responses. In evidence put before my Commission it would appear to me that
that is not happening.
The Government has not addressed the suggestion of the Vincent Report that the
'Liquor Act' be reviewed. It is the view of this Commission that the application
of the Liquor Licensing Act 1988 needs to be examined in the light of the
comments contained infra, but that the problem is essentially one of
enforcement.
19.5.3 The Police Union view
The Police Union in its submission in response to Recommendation 23 of the
Vincent Report refers to the 'Liquor Act' which is the title of the old Act and an
incorrect appellation. The Union is of the opinion that the penalties in the
'Liquor Act' are adequate. Presumably the Union means the penalties of the
'Liquor Licensing Act 1988'. It is the view of the Union that the problem with
penalties capable of imposition is that courts 'may' impose penalties which 'fall
far short of the maximum'. The Union in its submission went on to comment
that alcohol is 'often' purchased by the friends of 'the drunken Aboriginal'.
This Commission takes the view that this may well be the case in some instances
747
but this would not be the nonn, in spite of police assertions to the contrary (see
for instance p.42 Chatunalgi Transcript, Halls Creek).
In addition the Union submission stated:
Blatant abuse of the law by publicans has always brought some response by police which in many cases is by way of counselling and encouragement [p.28]
Oearly, the Union cannot mean that its members are giving 'encouragement' to
sell alcohol to intoxicated persons. In any event, given the fact that police
throughout this State have constantly expressed grave concerns about alcohol
use by Aboriginals, it is this Commission's view that the present police policy of
providing 'counselling and, encouragement' to publicans in 'blatant' conflict with
the law, is not in the public interest, cannot be seen to be an appropriate use of
the police discretion, is not in the spirit of 'community policing', and is certainly
not 'law enforcement'.
Whatever the guidelines the Commissioner of Police has provided to the
members of the Force they are apparently either inadequate or ignored. The
problem of alcohol use is a national problem of considerable dimensions
requiring urgent action by all parties. It gravely concerns this Royal
Commission that legislation which has been enacted to provide sanctions for
offenders in the liquor trade is not being adequately or appropriately enforced by
the police. Publicans in the trade of selling or supplying alcohol to intoxicated
persons should not in the view of this Commission, be 'counselled', they should
be prosecuted.
My Commission recommends that the Commissioner of Police review the
guidelines provided to members of the Police Force so that they more fully
reflect the Vincent Report Recommendation that:
The Commissioner of Police urge police officers to make every effort to detect, prosecute and take other relevant action in respect
748
of the supply of liquor to intoxicated persons and juveniles and in respect of illicit dealing in liquor as a means of reducing the rate of crime [23(b) Vincent Recommendation].
The Police Union in its submission to this Commission further calls for a review
of the 'Liquor Act' which review was recommended by Vincent in January 1988
prior to the proclamation of the Liquor Licensing Act in December 1988. This
Commission does not feel that a review of the sections of the Liquor Licensing
Act 1988 mentioned in this section is warranted. What is required is the simple
enforcement of the legislation.
19.5.4 Park and street drinking
Section 119(1) of the Liquor Licensing Act 1988 prohibits park drinking.
Section 119(4) of the Liquor Licensing Act 1988 prohibits street drinking.
Aboriginal people have in the past, been arrested for these offences to a lesser
degree than for the offence of 'drunk'. With the decriminalization of 'drunk'
and the failure of the Government to immediately provide funding for the
establishment of sobering up shelters, it is becoming apparent that the use of the
offences of 'park and street drinking' is coming into vogue. Arrests are taking
place for street drinking instead of disorderly conduct (p.17, Chatunalgi
Transcript) and the offence of park drinking has increased (p.62, ibid). At
conferences held by this Royal Comission, park and street drinking were matters
of major concern in Carnarvon, Gerald ton and Kalgoorlie. Comments passed
were generally in respect of the untidiness of people drinking in public.
Commissioner Bull in his evidence to this Commission stated that:
Street drinking is a matter that [the Police] try and enforce, you know, with a certain amount of discretion ... I know certainly a number of towns, I've had complaints from people within the town and local government areas have, because police, they say, have not taken action against Aboriginals for street drinking ... If
Aboriginal people have a certain place they want to drink, if it's out of the way, well, you know, my officers won't take any action [RCIADICTranscript, Perth, 1990:630-631].
749
The Ombudsman has in his 1989 Annual Report made reference to a street
drinking matter, where he sustained the complaint of a non-Aboriginal person
who was arrested for the offence of drinking out of a can of beer when driving
(a preliminary breath test proved negative). The officer who arrested the
complainant was regarded by the Police Department as having 'acted lawfully
and .. . not abused the powers conferred by legislation' (p.27, Ombudsman's
Annual Report, 1989). The Acting Commissioner of Police, in justifying the
police officer's arrest of the complainant for what is clearly a minor matter,
which would equally clearly be adequately dealt with by a summons (pursuant to
Police Routine Order 1-12.2 and 1-12.3) said:
I believe a subjective interpretation of instructions is unavoidable in an environment encompassing officers deployed in an operational sphere where, at times, circwnstances demand rapid decisions [Ombudsman's Annual Report, 1989:29].
Commissioner Bull has told this Commission that:
... of course an arrest is necessary if it is to stop the continuation of the offence which largely ... is the reason for the arrest occurring in the first place, and for other reasons, but largely to stop the continuation of the offence ... the main [indicator] being to stop the continuation ... for disorderly conduct or whatever ...
[RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:596-597].
It is acknowledged that the preparation of summonses is time conswning and not
resorted to as often in the country as it could be (ibid:598). Hence, a situation
may well develop whereby the offences of 'park and street drinking' supplant
the abolished offence of 'drunk'.
Certainly, in Carnarvon the Shire President (who is also a JP) made the
observation in evidence that:
street drinking, which we consider anti-social behaviour ... leads to very untidy behaviour within the streets, lolling around or
750
lying around the footpaths, fighting, brawling, foul language and so forth [RCIADIC Transcript, Carnarvon, 1990:136-137].
That Shire Council had discussed the matter with the police. There was talk of
setting aside a special drinking place but this had not occurred at the time of my
Commission's conferences. Park and street drinking may well replace the
offence of 'drunk' as the single most significant contribution to Aboriginal
prisoner statistics in the coming years. The Police Union through the agency of
one of its officials, in conference with my Commission advised:
One of the things that decriminalization will do of course, is will ensure that police officers now charge the people within the streets perhaps with the offences that they ought to have in the past have been charged with which were of a more serious or greater nature than that which they had originally been subjected to; That the offences they will now be charged with are more likely to end in imprisonment, fine or some other means of determination [RCIADIC Transcript, Perth, 1990:758].
It would seem that now that the offence of 'drunk' has been abolished, people
will be charged with the 'proper' offence, and they will be penalised with
imprisonment or fines as in the old days prior to decriminalisation.
There has been some concern expressed amongst Aboriginal communities that
the replacement offence would be disorderly conduct. It would appear to this
Royal Commission that 'park and street drinking' is an offence which is
objectively capable of easy proof. Fines for offences against the Liquor
Licensing Act will, in all probability, not attract the application of the Fine
Default Scheme which has been implemented in this State since the establishment
of this Royal Commission. The reason for this is that the fines currently being
imposed are small enough for it not to be attractive to convert payment to a
'Work and Development Order' even though the maximum fine for street
drinking is $500.
From research and investigation carried out through my Commission into the use
of alternative charges since the decriminalisation of 'drunk' it would appear that
751
street drinking and disorderly conduct have in fact increased. Recently the
Broome Court of Petty Session, convening on the Monday after the Shinju
Festival (21 August 1990) heard five cases of park drinking on the Male Oval,
each defendant was fined $35.00 plus $20.00 costs in default 3 days in custody;
and three cases of street drinking, same penalty. A further charge of drinking
rum on Dampier Terrace was adjourned for a not guilty plea. A study of the
statistics returned from the ALS for their July court hearings indicate a marked
increase in the use of the offence of 'street drinking'.
It is often stated that Aboriginal people do not drink in hotels for a number of
reasons, these being:
(1) they are not welcome in hotels;
(2) they suffer discrimination in hotels;
(3) the prices in Hotels are out of their reach;
(4) they do not dress appropriately to go into hotels.
This being the case, it is clear that in towns like Geraldton on the foreshore;
Broome on Male Oval and Dampier Terrace; Carnarvon at the old Civic Centre;
Roebourne at the park; Kalgoorlie at 'Skinny Park' nature strip; Aboriginal
people will become increasingly vulnerable to arrest for 'park and street
drinking'.
Commissioner O'Dea in his Reports on Kim Polak and Misel Wiagana
comments on the issue of 'street drinking'. Kim Polak was in custody serving
time in default of non-payment of a fine imposed for street drinking.
Commissioner O'Dea observes:
... the street drinking for which Polak was initially arrested remains an offence. There would appear to be little justification for this in the light of the decriminalisation .... [RCIADIC Report on Polak, p.50].
752
Misel Wiagana had seven prior convictions for the offence of street or park
drinking. In the Polak Report Commissioner O'Dea posits alternatives to arrest
for these offences, namely:
1. ignore the offence;
2 . continue to arrest people;
3. provide areas where people can drink without running the risk of being arrested.
In my view, Option 2 seems unacceptable and I concur with the comments of
Commissioner O'Dea that it is:
... undoubtedly a very expensive way to deal with the relatively minor problem posed by Aboriginal fringe dwellers who have nowhere to drink in Kalgoorlie and not only in monetary terms. It is extremely wasteful of police and Court time, and in social terms aggravates tensions between police and Aboriginals. Effectively it persecutes some of the most unfortunate members of our society [RCIADIC Report on Polak, p.51 ].
The first option is not a solution to the problem at all as it clearly just fails to
address the issues. As long as the offences remain on the Statute Books the
'most unfortunate members of our society' may be subject to the imperative to
'police' them. What is necessary is an injection of funds to provide alcohol
rehabilitation centres, that are run along guidelines which are culturally and
socially appropriate to the needs and aspirations of Aboriginal people.
Aboriginal organisations should be provided with resources and funds to
respond to the social and cultural needs that give rise to these problems.
19.5.5 Applications for extended trading hours
My Commission was told of the unannounced extension of trading hours of
alcohol outlets in Eastern Goldfields towns. The ostensible reason for the
extension of trading hours was to provide mine workers with access to alcohol
when their shifts concluded. In some country towns (i.e. Leonora - 6.00 am
753
opening) alcohol is available for sale before Supennarkets open. Section 76 of
the Liquor Licensing Act allows for an application for extension of trading hours
to be made without the requirement it be advertised. The application may be
determined by discretion of the Director. Essentially, I suggest that this section
of the Act be amended so that no such extension of hours can take place without
advertisement, notice and a proper hearing allowing for objections.
One of the most important pieces of legislation in relation to this whole issue, is
that of the Decriminalisation of Drunkenness, which is canvassed below.
19.6 Decriminalisation Of Drunkenness
State and Territory Governments throughout Australia have progressively
decriminalised public drunkenness. This trend has been spurred in recent years
through the recommendations made by the Muirhead Interim Report into
Aboriginal Deaths in Custody and other reports, e.g.: 'In jurisdictions where
drunkenness has not been decriminalised, Governments should legislate to
abolish the offence of public drunkenness' (Muirhead Report: 4.3 and 5.2) and
'Governments which have not already done so should legislate to enforce the
principle that imprisonment should be utilised only as a sanction as a last resort'
(Vincent Report: 4.2 and 4.4). Both reports also suggested that facilities be
established to care for drunk persons.
In June 1989, State Cabinet approved the development and implementation of
alternative procedures and facilities to minimise the use of police cells to detain
drunk persons, and legislation decriminalising public drunkenness was passed
by State Parliament in December of that year, and proclaimed, through the
Amendment (Detention of Drunken Persons) Act 1989 on 24 April 1990. The
Act amends the Police Act 1892 through the alteration of Section 53 and
Section 54. However, there are difficulties with amending these sections as
demonstrated below:
754
Section 53 has been amended so that police can no longer arrest a person for the
offence of 'drunk' with or without a warrant. The expression 'drunk or
disorderly' has been replaced with 'conducting himself [sic] in a disorderly
manner'. One of the complex matters that arises with the introduction of this
amendment, is that a person can still be arrested for disorderly conduct, but not
for drunkenness. The section remains otherwise the same. Hence it could be
argued that the police can use the offence of 'disorderly' where they previously
used the lesser offence of 'drunk'.
As observed, Section 54 has also been amended to provide the police the power
to apprehend people for disturbing the peace on 'ships, vessels and in houses
licensed for the sale of alcohol'. The amendment to this Section, can result in the
power of arrest being limited so that the police can no longer arrest a person for
'drunk' in those places, but can, on the other hand, arrest them for 'disorderly
conduct'.
The Police Act 1892 provisions in respect of drunkenness offences including
habitual drunk Section 65(6), recently repealed, was the subject of criticism in
this State over a number of years.
In the case of Wicker v Taylor (No. 210 of 1974, unreponed) Section 65(6) of
the Act was referred to as being 'antiquated'. Similar sentiments were expressed
in the case Doyle v Higgins (No. 195 of 1974, unreponed) when the bench
called for a 'modem version [of the Act] more attuned to present methods'.
In 1985 John Hedges recommended that Section 53 of the Act be amended so
that an offender be released 'without incurring a penalty or liability to pay costs'
(Review on Aboriginal Communities Act 1979, 1985:58).
Decriminalisation of drunkenness does not mean that people are no longer dealt
with by the police when they are presumed to be intoxicated. Such a person can
be 'detained' by police. Police can take the person to a hospital but that would
755
appear to be an unlikely option in that in some areas at least the policy of the
hospital is that it will not accept intoxicated persons per se. Such a person can
also be released to another individual after having been detained but police are
not directed to take the intoxicated person to any location as a matter of policy or
right.
The stated aim of Decriminalisation of Drunkenness is to reduce the numbers of
people in custody yet what is of concern is that the Criminology Research Unit
Paper on 'Public Drunkenness - Australian Law and Practice' shows that where
decriminalisation has been the subject of legislation and comes into operation the
number of people detained does not fall but, in fact, rises. This is obviously
problematical, but is not incapable of resolution. What is urgently required in
tandem with decriminalisation is the establishment of socially and culturally
appropriate sobering up centres. The Western Australian Amendment to the
Police Act retains police involvement in the 'detention' of intoxicated persons
thereby allowing past policy to operate as enacted.
The new Act is not supported by sobering up shelters; there is no 'duty' imposed
on police to utilise such shelters when they are constructed and it allows police
the discretion to 'defer' release of a person detained between midnight and
7.00 am if release is not in a person's 'best interests'. Aboriginal people will
arguably again be exposed to the unfavourable exercise of police discretion.
As to the use of alternative charges since the decriminalisation of drunkenness, a
Oerk of Courts in a Western Australian town (date and place indeterminate) is
quoted by Greta Bird as having told her; prior to the passing of decriminalisation
legislation:
We were told not to gaol Aborigines for 'drunk' so the police laid a 'begging alms' charge and we put him away for a month [cited in Hazelhurst, 1987:71].
756
The Police Union response to decriminalisation Recommendation 5, RCIADIC
Interim Report, was opposed to the 'rule of priority' of taking Aboriginal people
home as police 'should not become taxi drivers' (p.33, Submission). In the
body of its submission, the Police Union suggests:
... the legislation has merely thrown a blanket over the cesspool of alcohol addiction simply hiding the problem from view. In the Union's view it is most probable the problems of alcohol will become progressively worse, for with the drastic reduction in ability to recognise the extent of drunkenness evident in society, so the ability to respond decreases proportionately. Those in need of help will not be recognised [p.ll, Submission].
The connection between failing to prosecute people for the offence and the
alleged ensuing increase in problems associated with alcohol is tenuous. Further,
it is apparent to my Commission that 'those in need of help' have rarely been the
recipients of the 'help' they need after being charged with the offence of drunk,
because they have never had access to the sobering up centres that should be
established.
In Answers to Questions, the Commissioner of Police stated that the Police
Department does not endorse the imposition of a statutory duty on police to
consider alternatives to detention (3 .1). He agrees that police cells are
inappropriate for the detention of intoxicated persons (3.3(a)) . No doubt most
serving police would agree with that statement. The Commissioner of Police was
unable to advise whether there had been an increase in the use of alternative
charges (3.7(a)) since the decriminalisation of drunk. The Commissioner of
Police also holds the view that the 'significant benefit of decriminalisation is
breaking the chain' even though Aboriginal people are still largely going to the
police lockup.
The Superintendent of Police at Kalgoorlie advised my Commission that his
'troops' were instructed that if a person was drunk and was playing up and the
situation could not be defused, then they should arrest for the 'alternative
charge'- the 'proper one'. He stated that in the past the charge of drunk had
757
been substituted for the proper charge (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990:308).
There was a concern at Leonora that people were coming to the cells for a bed as
they knew they wouldn't be charged (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990:313). The hospital at Leonora would not take 'drunks' unless they were
injured. The police could not leave people at other places either (RCIADIC
Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:312). And at Geraldton comment was made by the
Superintendent of Police that in about 1987:
they were going to decriminalise drunkenness, there was a tendency for people to be charged probably with disorderly conduct, when they committed disorderly conduct, rather than when they were drunk [RCIADIC Transcript, Geraldton,
1990:263].
In addition to the above, another matter of increasing concern to Aboriginal
people in this State, especially in the Eastern Goldfields and Central Reserves
regions, is that of substance use. The following section considers some of these
concerns.
19.7 Other substances
The use of volatile substances is an issue which was raised with my Commission
by members of various communities. There are a number of reasons for this
occurring. They are similar to the reasons outlined above for alcohol
consumption. Powerlessness combined with a sense of frustration and boredom
are frequently proposed reasons. The former Co-ordinator of the Western
Australian State Working Party on Petrol Sniffing (SWPPS) informed the
Commission that: the age range of people participating in this activity is 4 to 25
years; in 1989 seven children under the age of 15 years died from inhaling
volatile substances; and the SWPPS is working on a community model to
approach this problem (that is, they are working with the communities and
758
families rather than the individual sniffers). However, they are concentrating
mostly on the Central Reserves region.
During the Kalgoorlie conference the RFDS acknowledged the difficulty with
evacuating sniffers and commented that they tended to sedate them with an
injection prior to the flight (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:8). When
questioned about night flights they stated that the only airstrip that presented a
problem at night was Wingelina which even with flares they would prefer not to
use at night due to the surrounding hills (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990:10). Evidence provided to the Commission in confidence alleged RFDS's
refusal to evacuate sniffers in the past (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie,
1990:108). The Kalgoorlie Police stated that the Royal Aying Doctor Service
'basically refuse to bring them in' when they are badly affected (RCIADIC
Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:327). Indeed six badly affected by inhalant use
(out of a bus load of 32) were recently transported by the police from Warburton
to Kalgoorlie, then Perth by road. They were checked by the nurse at Laverton,
en route, and at the Kalgoorlie Hospital on arrival as the police were concerned
about the condition of the six (RCIADIC Transcript, Kalgoorlie, 1990:328).
Aboriginal people at my Commission's Kiwikurra Conference, expressed
concern that some of the people sniffing petrol were being arrested and sentenced
to periods of detention. They felt that this was an inappropriate way to deal with
these people and they considered that 'they should be cared for properly'
(RCIADIC Transcript, Kiwikurra, 1990:13). In sum, they expressed the view
that detention was not the answer.
The current concentration on petrol inhalation in the Central Desert region does
not mean that there are no problems in other areas in the state. During the
community consultation process undertaken by the Commission, concern was
expressed about the level of inhalant use in other areas, in particular, Perth and
Albany. In order to address this the Carers Group in Albany has set-up a
'grandparent' programme to try and re-establish some stronger
759
cross-generational links within the community (RCIADIC briefing notes and
Transcript, Albany, 1990). They are also establishing drug-free activities at the
Community Centre with the aim of providing youth with some positive options.
An Aboriginal youth worker estimates that the extent of inhalant use in Perth is
much higher than anyone cares to recognise (RCIADIC Transcript, Perth,
1990:697). My understanding is that the youth worker has proposed a number
of possible activities to try and decrease the incidence of this activity. Namely,
an Aboriginal youth sporting facility and country trips to highlight Aboriginal
history andto show that somebody cares.
The circumstances that have created the extensive need for alcohol and substance
use can only be considered as having been set and based on the ongoing violence
of colonisation. But, as noted in earlier chapters, alcohol and violence are often
associated, mostly with distressing consequences. In the next chapter, I address
some of the underlying issues that impinge on the devastation of violence.
760
Chapter 20
VIOLENCE
Throughout this report, violence has been mentioned on a number of occasions
(e.g. Chapters 5 and 6). From the outset, it needs to be stated that alcohol cannot
be seen as the absolute or, indeed, the only cause of violent behaviour. Alcohol
can, however, be seen to exacerbate violent behaviour among Aboriginal people
(see e.g. Hunter, 1987; Reser, 1990).
As Langton observes (1990:29) 'new styles of violence have developed from
grog'. These 'styles of violence' are markedly different from those described
below where Aboriginal people drew on certain types of physical force to
maintain aspects of law and order. However, from evidence put before me, it
became clear that in some areas violence is endemic among those who make
extensive use of alcohol. The circumstances often created by heavy drinking can
undennine respect for Aboriginal Law, and social relationships and practices that
seek to maintain Aboriginal societies.
Violent fighting, drunken driving, and funerals have, in many places, become
part of day by day life. Heavy drinking can serve as a catalyst for violence in
remote, urban and rural settings (cf. Daylight and Johnstone, 1986;
M. Tonkinson, 1987; Bolger, 1990). For instance, Daylight and Johnstone
(1986:67), paying particular reference to women, but with obvious and similar
consequences for men, observe that:
Some look to alcohol to blot out their own burdens, and others are victims of the drinking habits of family members ... Violence is often the result when people drink alcohol because of stress, strain, hopelessness and frustration.
761
In addition to the distressing effect of the results of violence on adult women and
men, it is also important to note that overcrowded living conditions mean that in
some households, where there exist children from a number of individual family
units, the potential for conflict is likely to increase because of the tendency of
children to become embroiled in particular conflicts.
Violence in the context of male/female relationships should not be undermined,
together with the influence of institutionalisation referred to in earlier sections.
Consideration needs to be given to how the effect of institutionalisation has
introduced agendas that manifest conflict between Aboriginal men and women.
Conflicts regarding status, upward mobility, jealousy, child care, educational and
work opportunities are just some of the matters that can lead to conflict. These
conflicts are often generated because of a number of adverse effects on
contemporary social life which were referred to in Chapter 6.
2 0.1 Cultural aspects of violence
In my Commission's view, it is also necessary to discuss some of the cultural
aspects of violence. Traditionally, violence was not the only sanction against
misdemeanours, but it was one of the ways in which wrong doing could be dealt
with. In contemporary circumstances, disputes can, and often are, resolved by
punishments imposed through the use of physical force, and many people see
that system as one which can best serve to stabilise the breakdown of law and
order in various settings. For instance, at a bush meeting in the Kimberley, it
was observed by senior Aboriginal men that:
... the old men ... they mentioned a few things. The main thing they said was people need to return to their own traditional country to do a number of things, the first one being to show the young who they are. That is, like their skin groups. To show how the relationships work between all people, kids, woman, man. To put back or reinforce old laws. If need be give hidings and spearings when people do wrong but no killing [RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River, 1990].
762
The resolution of conflict can be institutionalised to the degree that it is carried
out in a highly controlled manner, and usually in public, with various people
participating in defined ways according to their associations with the 'wrong
doer' or those who have been wronged.
From published and unpublished works, and from further evidence put before
my Commission, I can only conclude that violence has increased among
Aboriginal society, both in the amount of violence inflicted, and in how, and to
whom, that violence is inflicted. What appears to be true, is that whereas in
previous times, members of Aboriginal society often used what may be described
as violence or physical force to enforce certain aspects of law and order, today
physical force has, in many areas, where excess alcohol use occurs, become
almost uncontrollable and mindlessly violent. This is especially so not only with
regard to the violence directed toward women and children but also among men
themselves.
What is of most concern, is that which I refer to now as the 'ongoing violence of
colonisation'.
20.2 The ongoing violence of colonisation
A lot of old people have something to say .. . on the Canning stock route when white people shot everyone, at Well37, a long time ago ... one called Joe William who took a woman away and someone from that camp come up and killed him and then he was taken away down south to prison .. . [RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River, 1990].
One old man said police got people who are sleeping, and grabbed them for no reason and put them into gaol. They do not grab white people for the same thing. He said that is how people get sick when they are going into gaol too many times .. .
[RCIADIC Transcript, Mary River, 1990].
These two accounts, recorded during a bush meeting in the Kimberley, occurred
at an estimated 50 years apart. They describe the ongoing violence of
colonisation. A further, more recent, example of continuing violence is also
763
explicit in what has become known as the 'Sampi case'. That case, which
concerned the brutal killing of a young Aboriginal male in Broome in the State's
northwest in 1989 by two non-Aboriginal assailants, resulted with one of the
assailants being convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to three and a half
years imprisonment, and the other assailant being acquitted (refer West
Australian Newspaper, 12 May 1989). Such a decision needs to be contrasted
with that where another brutal killing of a young non-Aboriginal male occurred,
in Perth, in 1990. Again two non-Aboriginal assailants were involved. Both
assailants were found 'guilty' and sentenced to life imprisonment (refer West
Australian Newspaper, 16 June 1990).
While I am aware that there are a number of legal and social complexities in
relation to both these cases that should be explored, a task which is outside my
jurisdiction, it is difficult not to see that popular constrasts such as these can, and
do, still occur in this State. Aboriginal aspirations for natural justice, while
getting closer, still seem too far away. I now tum more directly to some of those
aspirations and forms of natural justice.
764
Chapter 21
ABORIGINAL ASPIRATIONS AND NATURAL JUSTICE
In this fmal chapter, I attempt to bring together some of the major themes that
have been examined throughout my report. This is not meant to be a
comprehensive exercise, as the report, in so many ways, speaks for itself
through the discussion and detail which has been provided throughout the
preceding pages. What this final chapter actually intends, is to convey an
overview of some of the concerns which emerged throughout my inquiries in
this State, and to put forward some considerations for the future of Aboriginal
and non-Aboriginal relations. As noted at the commencement of this report,
recommendations from my Commission's inquiries, have been provided direct
to the National Commissioner, the Honourable Elliott Johnston, Q.C..
21.1 A need for social and economic change and the
recognition of indigenous rights
In concluding my report I would like to re-state some of the major themes that
have arisen throughout my Commission in considering the 'underlying issues'
that lead to the high levels of custody for Aboriginal people, and, all too often, to
the tragic death of Aboriginal people in custody in Western Australia. In doing
so, I wish to pay tribute to the thirty two persons whose lives and deaths should
not end with this inquiry. They offer to us the beginning of a new and better
chapter in our relationship.
It is important to realise that the history of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal relations in this State has its own non-exclusive distinctiveness, although that
history also has many elements that are in common with other States and the
765
Territory. Whatever the positive or negative outcomes have been these, in part,
constitute the quality of relationships today.
The life and death of the individuals who died in Western Australia have been
looked at within the requirements that were imposed on me by the Letters Patent
(see Appendix 1 ). 'Why' people died, and 'why' the levels of custodies for
Aboriginal people in this State are extremely high, cannot be easily explained.
My report touches upon some of the matters that are most relevant to those
questions. Commissioner O'Dea and other relevant Commissioners have
provided reports of their inquiries into the individual deaths. These
Commissioners have made findings about how people died in custody. In a
sense, the other Commissioners have examined the people who died in custody
from the case itself looking out to 'underlying issues', whereas my Commission
has primarily examined 'underlying issues' looking back into the cases. In some
instances, these examinations have overlapped, or are complementary in a variety
of explicit and implicit forms.
Considering the circumstances that constitute the individuality of each person
who died either in the police lockup, hospital or prison while in custody, it is
clear that the quality of their relations with those who had a duty of care toward
them required re-assessment (see, for instance, Chapters 4, 5 and 14).
It seems to me that Aboriginal people, on the whole, experience the world very much with humanity and the importance of relationships uppermost in their
considerations. In assessing whether someone is to be trusted, confided in,
truthful and honest, it is easy to arrive at an answer if the conduct of the relations
under consideration have manifested themselves in a discourteous and inhuman
way. Constantly, as discussed throughout my report (especially in Chapters 5,
8, 10, 12 and 18), Aboriginal people have described their relationship with those
in authority roles as not satisfactory, racist or inhuman.
766
From the Commission's overall findings, it is apparent that the lives of all those
who died in custody were punctuated by the ups and downs of people who were
in their chain of relationships. Their relationship to everyone, Aboriginal and
non-Aboriginal, to institutions, regulations, heart-break and happiness, custody
and freedom. Where there are good relationships between Aboriginal people and
police, prison officers, medical officers or public servants, it is normally based
upon individual charisma, common sense, openness, and respect for the space of
the other. Structures, orders, regulations and guide-lines tend not to be what
produces good relationships of their own accord. They, of course, need to be
designed to bring about the good of the relationship, but it is the quality of the
interpersonal contact that is paramount for the Aboriginal person. People who
take a meticulous statutory notion to their role and responsibilities, find their
relationships with Aboriginal people are often going to be perceived as
insensitive and uncaring, which leads to an impaired basis for a quality
relationship. Friction, conflict, fear and anger build up quickly on both sides in
these types of situations.
The excessive use of alcohol (which is discussed in a number of ways in
Chapters 4, 5, 14 and 19), makes it far too easy for Aboriginal people to feel
affronted when the police arrive on the scene. Police often find it imperative to
be assertive and authoritarian. From evidence put before me, it appears that the
human relationship skills of young officers seem to emerge later, rather than
earlier, in their careers. Younger police officers seem to find it easier to dominate
their peer group among members of Aboriginal society, because they have
invested in them authority that sometimes exceeds the maturity of their years.
Enmeshed in a police culture that has many demands outside of the law to
socially control Aboriginal people, this task can be seen as something natural and
good to do. This is particularly so if Aboriginal youth, especially young
Aboriginal men, are portrayed by sectors of the media as some type of criminal
predator who are placing at risk the social fabric of non-Aboriginal society.
767
For most Aboriginal people, the memory of the past on reserves and missions,
ruled over by non-Aboriginal people and all they were seen to represent, is not
easily forgotten. Nor are the 'protector' and 'welfare' roles played by police as
instruments of government policies, as detailed in my report, forgotten. There
continues to be a deep sense of loss, injustice and denial of recognition that still
pervades the societies of Aboriginal people. This is probably more pronounced
in regional and metropolitan areas, than in the remote discrete communities,
which is primarily because some Aboriginal people have basically been able to
maintain aspects of their space from the non-Aboriginal world.
However, that space from the non-Aboriginal world is rapidly changing as
material contained throughout my report details. Some instances of the possible
catalysts for change could be seen in the fact that police stations at Warburton and
Balgo in the eastern and northern parts of Western Australia will soon diminish
that space, and create new challenges to the quality of relationships between
police and Aboriginal people. Significantly, where only a few years ago Pintubi
people walked into Kintore and Kiwikurra carrying their Law, they now need to
bow to the laws of a Queen they never knew existed. Those Aboriginal groups
currently living there, left missions and government settlements to move back to
their traditional lands. In part, this was to put distance between them and what
non-Aboriginal society had to offer. This has little to do with the material goods
of the non-Aboriginal world, but it has much to do with being secure and in a
position where decisions about cultural, social, economic and legal matters can
be effective. Aboriginal people in these situations have a sense of being able to
get on with the priorities of their lives without too much interference from
non-Aboriginal imperatives. There is a sense of being able to control the
processes of westernisation and assimilation. However, the signs are there that
aspirations such as these, are still subordinated and subjugated to non-Aboriginal
imperatives, and there is no real regard being shown to indigenous rights.
People who do not constantly rely upon the service of others in the public sector
fields, probably find Aboriginal aspirations and demands quite difficult to
768
understand. In fact it has become quite clear to me that there are many things
non-Aboriginal people do not understand about Aboriginal society (Chapters 6,
8, 9 and 18 make available some discussion on this issue). It is even a difficult
matter for those who provide public services to Aboriginal people, to see how
their relationship to those people determines whether Aboriginal people are going
to access the intended good of government policies and programmes or not.
Aboriginal people have, for far too long, been at the receiving end of acts of
largess, channelled through bureaucratic functionaries whose loyalties have been
primarily to government policies of assimilation, integration, self-determination
and self-management than to the people themselves. These public servants have
neither been contracted by Aboriginal people nor can they be fired by Aboriginal
people. As ATSIC is currently enacted, it does not really provide that avenue for
Aboriginal people (see especially Chapter 9).
In my Commission's view, Aboriginal people often find themselves in a non
contractual relationship with non-Aboriginal society. They are expected to be
responsible and accountable for every cent of public money, but they do not
determine who has positions in the bureaucracy and who is meant to be
responsive to their needs, plans and aspirations. The Public Service Union has
successfully ensured members jobs in Aboriginal Affairs. The extemalising of
responsibilities for all aspects of Aboriginal people's lives continues even
though, on the surface, it appears to have changed. The legacy of the welfare
attitude and the persistence of the 'policing imperative' makes it difficult for
Aboriginal people not to be cynical about incremental change that may contain
some benefit for themselves. Policies and their implementation, administration,
plus reviews, are more the domain of the public servants than of Aboriginal
people. Aboriginal people stand outside of the real control and decision making
arenas, but are abused and condemned as guilty when outcomes from the
perspective of public expenditure are not what is expected.
Aboriginal people share the commonality of their oppression by non-Aboriginal
systems, policies and values. Non-Aboriginal people often stay as individuals
769
and most do not share the experiences of being the oppressed. They consider
themselves not accountable for what went before or, indeed, for what is taking
place today. Aboriginal people grieve and hold themselves accountable and
responsible for what has happened to their people. Experiencing a constant
powerless relationship with non-Aboriginal people and their societal structures,
has bred hopelessness and resignation. How to stimulate motivation out of this
type of social and cultural malaise, requires experiencing a win in some arena or
other. In my view, it does not necessarily matter how minor to begin with. Its
ability to spark action and hope for change and improvement should not be
under-estimated.
Often, I believe, this sort of change and improvement has more to do with
processes and respect, rather than questions of absolute principle. At the local or
regional level, it is usually a matter of how best to deliver the service in a way
that will involve and respond to Aboriginal sensitivities. Material recorded in
Chapters 11 and 15 evidences the necessity of considering local and regional
levels, especially in relation to the socio-cultural and economic empowerment of
Aboriginal people. When structures and organisational formats are imposed and
thrust upon Aboriginal people, there is no sense of ownership developed. Such
things tend to come from outside Aboriginal considerations and initiatives.
When there is no sense of ownership, there is no pride. For pride to be
advanced, there needs to be control and sensitivity to enable delivery and
participation. Without these dynamics being put in train, there will be repetition
of past patterns of rejection, failure and resistance.
Contracting, involving, supporting and resourcing Aboriginal controlled
organisations, offer the best opportunity to get some of the crucial matters about
progress and achievement right. In my Commission's view, they offer the best
mirror images of Aboriginal people doing and achieving things for themselves.
They also provide a focus for non-Aboriginal interests to transmit to Aboriginal
aspirations and concerns.
770
Relationships with custodial officers, like police and prison personnel, are crucial
ones as infonnation detailed throughout Chapters 2, 4 and 5 illustrates. Firstly,
because the Aboriginal person in the custody position is at the most powerless
point in a life which has had more than equal amounts of despair, insult, shame,
and hopelessness associated with it prior to arrest. Socio-economic factors and
relationships can be so bad in the outside world that some Aboriginal people see
prison as a type of refuge. I cannot say whether some would prefer to be in
prison rather than out in the broad society. It has been put to me that Aboriginal
people outside of custodial settings still experience life as though they were
actually in custody. This may have more to do with the policing imperative
engaged in by most of non-Aboriginal society, and not just the indiscretions of
insensitive police officers. It is probably also related to Aboriginal people's lack
of trust and faith in non-Aboriginal people, as evidenced throughout my report.
Police often tend to be singled out and focussed upon, because they are
combative about the need for the policing imperative.
However the practice of putting prisoners into isolation cells as a way of dealing
with disciplinary or other problems, requires some comment. It may be practical
for the system of prison justice, but I am not convinced it is a useful means for
dealing with depression, fear, stress and trauma brought about by unclear causes
at the time of placement. In my Commission's view, the world of interconnected
relationships with human beings and spirit beings cannot be under-estimated
when dealing with Aboriginal people who are stressed, depressed and exhibiting
signs of withdrawing into themselves. This, of course, is more seriously
complicated when linked to fears or anxieties about repercussions within
Aboriginal Law. To talk about the contents of Aboriginal Law outside of the
circle of responsible Law people, is a serious breach and can involve harsh
penalties. If someone fears they have transgressed, or are held accountable to
some aspect of Aboriginal Law, then they will be unable to talk to anyone about
it. The availability of psychiatrists well trained, but lacking knowledge of
Aboriginal cultural beliefs and practices, may help in a crisis, but will not heal
anxiety about transgressions against Aboriginal Law, societal values or
771
customary practices (see, in particular, Sections 5.11 and 14.7-14.8). That
requires an Aboriginal resolution. There are mechanisms for dealing with such
matters in Aboriginal societies. The format may vary, but basically it will usually
involve appropriate relatives from both sides coming together to represent the
interest of their families and expressing their obligations. The outcome may be
physical punishment or compensation in some form. Usually the matter is settled
over time but not necessarily forgotten, depending upon the seriousness of the
breach of Customary Law, so the weight of its penalties will be feared. If there
is no resolution found and no arrangements made to reconcile the parties through
a process as outlined above, then the one who is accused can easily become what
might be termed psychotic and manic. Sentencing and punishment by
non-Aboriginal courts are not taken into account by Aboriginal Law people. A
non-Aboriginal person may think there is nothing to make an Aboriginal person
go this way, which can be an extremely distressing and disconcerting experience
for prison officers, particularly if an individual, in this type of state, attempts
some self-inflicted injury and may be successful in ending their life. There are
many other cultural and social obligations and responsibilities that may not fall
within the ambit of what is referred to as 'Traditional Law', but that does not
diminish their imperative nature for particular Aboriginal groups. It is for
reasons of these cultural and social realities of Aboriginal peoples lives that
schemes like the Aboriginal Visitors Scheme are so crucial. Aboriginal
organisations such as the medical and legal services, and child care agency, are
essentially well placed to respond sensitively to matters as well.
A point which became critically clear to me, is that police tend to encounter
Aboriginal people when they are possibly at their worst, especially if intoxicated.
They usually approach each other out of a sense of distrust, fear, retaliation.
This is especially true when the police officer has not had any other form of
contact with Aboriginal people. The stereotypical views conjured up through
media representation of past confrontations is possibly all the officer has to go
on. As stated in Chapter 5, two and a half hours on Aboriginal matters in the
Police Academy training period, would only confirm all that was worst about
772
Aboriginal people. If there is no broader exposure to Aboriginality apart from
associations with alcohol, drugs and aspects of criminality, then the police
officers are destined to remain ignorant and entrenched in stereotypical views
about Aboriginal people. Additionally, the police will continue to be
misunderstood and perceived by Aboriginal people as not having an ability to
transcend the imperatives of the police culture. Having a large section of the
police on duty while still on probation has to, in my view, be of great concern.
Professional training in human relationship skills, cultural sensitivity, and
appreciation of socio-economic difference, are essential if custodies for
Aboriginal people are going to be reduced.
What may appear as mutual efforts to improve understanding, treatment and
behaviour are so quickly countered by actions underlined with insensitivities or
insulting language. There is simply not enough presentation of the practical
working together between Aboriginal people and police. The Aboriginal Visitors
Scheme has been encouraged by senior officers where the Scheme operates, but
on occasions a visitor may not receive all the co-operation they need. This may
be because their indentification cards are not signed by the Police Commissioner
but by the Commissioner for the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority. It could
also be many other things, such as police feeling that a visitor is interfering with
their work, over-stepping their role, or creating a situation where police officers
seem to be accountable in a small way to the Aboriginal society. In a State where
32 out of the 99 deaths inquired into occurred, and where Aboriginal people are
2.7% of the population, but are 43 times more likely to be taken into custody,
there may be resentment to the Aboriginal Visitors Scheme as something which
appears to offend what ordinary decency should automatically generate.
When custody in police lockups is contrasted with custody in prisons, it can
generally be said that prison officers encounter Aboriginal people when they are
sober and potentially at their best. Often they get to see another side of the same
person the police arrest. Prisons have a routine and, by and large, some certainty
associated with it. Police lockups are usually meant for people who have not yet
773
been convicted by a court of an offence. They tend to be places of uncertainty,
no-one seems to know any of the answers to the questions an arrested person
may have and, at times, it seems there is little interest in finding the answers as
well. It can appear to an Aboriginal person that they are doing their punishment
prior to the consideration of the court. The court, however, decides whether a
person is to go to prison, not the police, although how a person comes before the
court is a matter associated with the police. Too often police are perceived as the
ones who relieve, or do not relieve, people of their freedom. While in some
instances this may be true, if one takes into account police discretion, as with so
many other issues, it is essential to see the complexity of the matter as a whole.
Often these neat distinctions get further confused for Aboriginal people because
lockups, police stations and the court house, are all together on the one block or
the one building. Where police act as court orderlies, prosecutors and clerk of
courts, the judiciary does not appear to be independent of police influence, and
justice does not appear to dwell where it might or should. It is this type of
association, interaction, and coalescing of functions, duties and responsibilities
that generates the greatest lack of faith and disbelief in the criminal justice system
for Aboriginal people. This is further reinforced when, on occasion at the court
room, lawyers, prosecutors and departmental personnel, appear to openly
discuss matters concerning an Aboriginal person who witnesses this going on
over the top of them. The person just sits there feeling irrelevant and confused,
and grows angry because his/her representative appears to be doing 'deals' with
the prosecutor. This may well be acceptable court procedure, but it is not what
an accused Aboriginal person understands or appreciates. For those who are
sentenced, it can amount to a crisis of faith in the Aboriginal Legal Service or
representative. Anxieties and doubt arise as to whether they were properly
represented, or whether their instructions were followed. While in some
instances this may be true, there are often various reasons for this as I have
demonstrated throughout Chapters 4 and 5.
774
In Chapter 5, it was also discussed that police lockups tend to be places where
everything seems to resonate with racism and accusations. Cells are not motel
rooms, and there is none of the privacies that most citizens take for granted. The
trauma and experience of being incarcerated in the lockup goes beyond just
physical confinement. A person is stripped of any power or freedom they may
have held. They are completely in the care of someone else who more often than
not does not share their interest. It is not what the majority of Australians know
or would want to experience. Basically, the officers are there to do their duty
and carry out their jobs. No-one is there to help, comfort or provide automatic
support. Such things have to be requested. While there is a 'duty of care', it
does not equate with the care of affection. As noted earlier, officers can be caught
unaware of the depth of emotional stress and trauma a person has when they are
taken into custody. They can be fixated with the view that odd behaviour does
not reflect different things (such as severe illness or extreme despair as some of
the individual reports show) but only drunkenness. At other times, however,
certain police officers have read the signs correctly and prevented tragedies in the
lockup, and that should not be forgotten. In my view, the police officers
involved in such matters, should be given the opportunity to share that
experience with other officers. It is the cross-cultural understanding that has to
be attempted if certain lessons are going to be learnt from deaths in custody.
There is a lot of practical experience amongst particular police and prison officers
in dealing with Aboriginal people in a positive way. Work shops between
police, prison officers and Aboriginal people at the local or regional level, should
be considered as a practical vehicle to exchange experiences, and recount and
consider how positive results have been arrived at. There should be a
concentration on human responses to the situation, as well as those that are
technical and procedural.
An Aboriginal person's sensitivity to further acts of inhumanity and callousness
meted out while in custody easily conjures up the culmination of hurtful,
shameful, unhappy, regretful events and memories where things have not been
right for them. No one explanation can satisfy why and how life no longer has
775
any value or worth, except that others see a value in its preciousness. If that
goes, there does not appear to be much left. It may be the cold and legal
rendition of care that does not abide human warmth and feeling that crushes a
person's spirit. Fears arise that may have no clear logical or rational base, but
are associated with anxieties that someone may take your life or further violate
your already disregarded rights. It was dicussed in Chapters 4 and 14 and
Section 6.8, that some self-inflicted injuries may be part of an act seeking
attention. And such an act may be undertaken because of the conviction that
there is no-one who really does care. The sense of despair in these situations
transcends the cells and the particular officers, and goes to what meaning and
purpose can be derived from reflecting upon the experiences of a particular life.
Officers and cells are not, however, the only causes of this. The level of
inhumanity may not be intended but it cannot be avoided when the rights of
others mean nothing, and their race becomes a source of derision and abuse.
Spartan physical conditions, odours of stench, dampness, dim light, poor
ventilation and extremes of hot and cold do not help a depressed and sad human
spirit.
Peoples lives are quite radically and suddenly disrupted when they are taken into
custody. Whatever plans, obligations or responsibilities they may have had are
terminated. It is only when contact is made by family members, friends, or those
from Aboriginal organisations visit, that some of the anxieties associated with
these external matters to being in custody can be raised and hopefully taken up
and resolved. It is very important for those in custody to be aware that family
and friends know they are there. It will be the rare Aboriginal individual who
will want to hide this fact. Similarly it is very important for family and friends to
see and talk to those in custody as soon as possible. Suspicion and allegations of
brutality arise very quickly when Aboriginal people experience being shut out or
obstructed in their request to see those in custody. Proper reasons need to be
given. Too often, it appears, officers are hiding behind someone or something
else. It could be the Coroner, or the Special Investigation Branch, or it may
simply be that the officer in charge has not yet made a decision about something
776
like bail. This type of encounter simply leads to heightened anxiety that matters
are not right and suspicion can easily get a grip on the imagination, which
encourages the belief that foul play is going on and will not necessarily be
detected. In my view, consideration needs to be paid to these sorts of needs,
especially when a sentenced Aboriginal person is transported out of society and
into prison. If anxieties, worries and fears about immediate family or personal
concerns are not resolved, they can become overwhelming in the early period of
cell custody in relation to that person's overall outlook on life.
In addition to the above, it has also become clear to me that there is simply not
enough presentation and recognition in the wider world of what Aboriginal
people do for themselves. For instance, many Aboriginal people work with
non-Aboriginal people. This is often a collective effort that is required to meet
some of the needs that face Aboriginal people. It is not just the police and prison
officers who have to become aware of Aboriginal people. Members of other
cultural groups within non-Aboriginal society have also to become aware of this
policing imperative role, and how adversely that affects access to services as well
as entry into relationships which could have mutual benefits. It is especially
important to come to grips with this at the cross-cultural interface, involving
interpersonal relationships as well as systems and institutions. Where Aboriginal
and non-Aboriginal people talk and work together, there are usually positive
community responses to addressing the needs. This does not mean they have to
always agree. It is the interaction and interfacing that is helpful. At times this
may be combative, but if there is an appreciation developed for the effort and
assistance being provided, then that type of behaviour can be accommodated
without distracting from achieving the goals.
It has also become evident to me that there is little, if any, understanding about
how Aboriginal people have transmitted through various interactions and
involvement with non-Aboriginal enterprises or industries to where they find
themselves today. There is little appreciation of the fact that it was through these
exposures to what non-Aboriginal people's life represented, that Aboriginal
777
people became aware of what non-Aboriginal society and its values were about.
There appears to be little appreciation about the correlation of this interaction and
involvement with non-Aboriginal enterprise and industries and the extensive
contribution and sacrifice made by Aboriginal people towards them. There are
many points of contribution that Aboriginal people have made to support and
build up what non-Aboriginal people's objectives have been. Aboriginal people
have participated with non-Aboriginal people, particularly as workers, but often
have not benefited commensurate with their contribution or sacrifice. Chapters
2, 7 and 11 explore this inequitable situation in some detail. Aboriginal people's
exposure and participation has been through the pastoral, farming, pearling,
mining and the war effort. These have been times of interaction and contribution
for what would be considered the 'common good' despite, on the whole,
rewards going to other than Aboriginal people. Any objective consideration of
the foundation of most primary industries in this State will show how, initially,
Aboriginal people participated. Currently Aboriginal people are largely
marginalised and tied to a welfare basis which does little for economic
independence to break out of the poverty and powerlessness cycles (see, for
instance, Chapters 7, 10, 15 and 17). What we are faced with is how to find
ways where Aboriginal people can contribute on their terms. We are faced with
trying to identify the positive examples and extending those for others to
consider. It should be patently clear from my report that Aboriginal people
cannot achieve equality and participation in the nation without some positive
response from non-Aboriginal society. There is need for specific Aboriginal
organisations to advocate and service the particular needs of Aboriginal people.
These should not be feared, but promoted, contracted and resourced to carry out
responsibilities as Aboriginal people and to negotiate, liaise and help
non-Aboriginal society improve their understanding and interaction with
Aboriginal people.
Aboriginal people have had to live through various structures and policies
imposed on them by successive forms of government, as material contained in
chapters throughout my report illustrates. It has been through the exercise of
778
authority and power aimed at fitting Aboriginal people into something non
Aboriginals have invented, that has been most problematic. Despite being
colonised, culturally and economically marginalised and incarcerated throughout
the brief history of this nation, Aboriginal people still do not respond the way
non-Aboriginal people would always like them to. Gradually government
instrumentalities have made attempts to allow 'advisory' roles for Aboriginal
representation. This has taken place through consultative mechanisms, and all
suffer from an obvious lack of power to effect and implement advices. There
was also little or no control over the procedure and practices that accompanied
implementation of what-ever government made of the advice or consultation. In
my view, processes of consultation should become processes of negotiation.
In direct relation to government, as stated in this report, the Aboriginal Affairs
Planning Authority evolved from the State Native Welfare Department. Similarly
the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission has come from the Federal
Department of Aboriginal Affairs, as well as a number of other Aboriginal
agencies. There are numerous differences between both statutory bodies that I
will not dwell on here. However I wish to focus on change and its impact on, or
accommodation for, Aboriginal people and their rights and aspirations. Both
ATSIC and the AAPA are at some distance from those they are meant to service.
Both are associated despite their distinct jurisdictions, functions and powers,
with holding immediate responsibility and decision making in Aboriginal Affairs.
There is little consideration of their limited mandates by Aboriginal people.
Mechanisms endowed on ATSIC and AAPA have been perceived as the avenues
for achieving action concerning the needs and aspirations of Aboriginal people.
When failure is experienced in addressing these needs, so too does confidence in
them wax and wane. State versus Commonwealth arguments only help to create
confusion and division, loyalties and alliances, depending on the popularity of
the particular government agent in recent or past performance. Aboriginal people
can be lulled into an artificial sense of achievement and acceptance on the basis of
token recognition and patronage of their cultural and societal values. Western
legal approaches as to who has standing or jurisdiction are not always the
779
primary considerations, and rarely are those arguments presented to Aboriginal
people. This can restrict choice and understanding about ways that Aboriginal
people may wish to be self-governing. Often Aboriginal people are faced with
balancing trust and deception in assessing governments as well as political
parties. This game has been played with monotonous regularity and
sophistication for many years now, and key people are often the least affected by
the outcomes. Aboriginal people have been caught up as either the patronised
and exploited, or as outsiders and stirrers.
The importance of all this for custodies, for deaths in custody, and for premature
death outside custodial settings, is that it contributes to an environment of
powerlessness, resentment and spiral hopelessness. Those who have been
responsible for externalising responsibilities and denying ownership to
Aboriginal people are held accountable. Aboriginal people expect there to be
morality, justice, and some return of what has been taken. This responsibility is
usually associated with the representatives of non-Aboriginal people. That is, of
governments and their various instrumentalities. It was governments who took
away the land, the children, aspects of the Aboriginal life-style, culture and
inheritance. Aboriginal people, without a great deal of western education, often
raise two very simple questions in this regard. Why did government need to do
these things? When will they take up their responsibilities and honestly address
these matters with us?
From my inquiries, it is clear that what has happened has happened. That should
be acknowledged, and Aboriginal people now expect to be dealt a new deal.
Mind you, there is much that has been undertaken over the years by
Government, some of which has been positive. I have not been able to look at
that fully in my report because of the matters I am required to focus upon.
The major impact of this history can be divided into two broad areas. Firstly
where some advisory participation is offered, Aboriginal people may engage in
this on the basis that something is better than nothing. This may manifest itself
780
in roles of assistants, aides, or in an advisory role on policy and strategy, but not
really have any effective decision making power. The questions of autonomy
and control are more geared toward advice and modifying and shaping policy and
programmes, than actually exercising responsibility for formulation, evaluation,
monitoring, funding and promotion. This may be all that is seen as possible or
indeed permissible. A sense of achievement and importance can attach itself to
those who become effective and skilled in what the government policy sets out to
achieve. This may, in fact, have little to do with the upholding of Aboriginal
cultural or societal values. Participation in this type of process may be
undertaken at great personal sacrifice and cost to individual Aboriginal people,
and may be motivated by a sense of acculturation and assimilation. Despite the
amount of training, exposure and cadjouling that has gone on to achieve this type
of participation from Aboriginal people, it still produces crises of identity, self
esteem and self worth for Aboriginal people, especially if it lacks group or family
endorsement. It also generates forms of resistance.
The second area has more to do with having no confidence in the morality of
non-Aboriginal society. It is based upon an Aboriginal perspective of history
and knowledge of broken promises and failed programmes. There has been no
reciprocation by non-Aboriginal people to the accommodation that Aboriginal
people have provided them. Aboriginal people do not wish further piece-meal
solutions, but a major overhaul and restructure of the relationship with
governments, and not just their various departments.
In this situation, control and participation is directed toward power, autonomy
and responsibility, which severs links with many mechanisms that currently
determine and decide matters for Aboriginal people. Negotiati on needs to replace
consultation and advisory postures, and local or regional priorities and cultural
sensitivities should be upper most in consideration. However, rhetoric and
ideologies can become more important than achievement through compromise.
Compromise can be seen as prejudicial to principles of indigenous rights. The
argument should, in my view, centre more around Aboriginal governance
781
without a clear distinction between notions of sovereignty and Aboriginal rights
under various legislation. At times there may be consideration of Aboriginal
powers under various government constitutions. In my view, there is little hope
to be perceived in the domestic political arena and many Aboriginal people have
more confidence in international forums. The persistence of the doctrine of 'terra
nullius' makes it easy to avoid complex questions of Aboriginal indigenous
rights. This, in tum, makes for little or no confidence that Aboriginal unceded
rights to land, culture, society and economy are able to be made out in any
claims. In limited and restricted ways, through the exercise of government
powers and jurisdiction, recognition needs to be made. These have not gone far
enough to be of sufficient recognition. There needs to be a strategy developed in
conjunction with Aboriginal people in the State that sets up a process to deal with
the problems that have been highlighted in this report. Clearer delineation of
State responses to Federal strategies to address Aboriginal matters needs to be
fully emphasised, and Aboriginal people must take some of the initiative
themselves instead of waiting for government to do things for them.
It is, in my view, critical to be aware that my inquiries have tended to look at situations that relate to the most unfortunate and often unpleasant side of life for
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. What became manifestly clear to me is
the need for change to take place at societal levels for both non-Aboriginal and
Aboriginal people. There can be no doubt that the present situation is highly
unsatisfactory, some would rightly say desperate, and that scarce resources must
be concentrated to produce quick results. Too often this type of thinking has
produced undesirable outcomes for Aboriginal people as well as financial waste.
This does not mean we are to do nothing. However 'knee jerk' reactions to
alleged 'crime waves' tend to produce 'law and order' campaigns or the planning
and building of more prisons and institutions. These priorities are rarely
measured against the need for a concentrated effort to address the social, cultural,
legal and economic needs of the materially poor and marginalised in our society
who tend to be the ones who occupy the police lockups, courts and prisons. In a
number of ways, these people are distinguished from the vote for change, and so
782
are left out and rejected from what the vested interests of the mainstream want.
This makes it difficult for those of goodwill and positive contributions to keep
going and, as noted at the beginning of this report, in many ways it can be
argued that the 'scene has been set for that what we are witnessing today'.
The short term tactics and strategies that are aimed at alleviating the conditions
and needs of systems, do not necessarily deal with what are real and persisting
problems, not only for Aboriginal people, but for non-Aboriginal people as well.
For instance, we have, one day, to come to the maturity where some of the
categories I have referred to throughout this report, no longer carry odious
inuendos and discrimination. There is a need to recognise that non-Aboriginal
law and, indeed, the criminal justice system, is a product of Europe and the
British form of justice which intruded here in 1829, made some minor
concessions to Aboriginal people, but, upon Statehood in 1890, removed even
these. There have been few concessions to Aboriginal rights since that time.
The arguments of colonisation and its consolidation over Aboriginality have
persisted to this day. The time has come for this to change. In my
Commission's view, there is considerable merit in planning now to achieve
improvement by the first century of Federation in 2001.
Western Australia is part of the Federation of Australia and both are subject to,
not only, domestic considerations, but global ones as well for the remaining
twentieth and into the twenty-first century. Concepts and practices that persist
and have more to do with colonisation, racism and assimilation, are not going to
achieve much except more of what has already not nurtured the uniqueness of the
oldest living culture on earth, and reduced their members to being the most
incarcerated people, per head of population, in the world. No-one attending my
inquiries was proud of this, and the heartening thing is that many human beings
from across sections of society want to see this changed and a new deal to occur.
This should be one where the cards are cut and dealt from the top, and where
Aboriginal groups become more innovative about overcoming confrontation and
consultation. It should also be one where governments become just and moral in
783
responding to Aboriginal aspirations for greater self-governance. Through
negotiation, much will be achieved.
784
LIST OF APPENDICES
1. Copies of Commissioner Dodson's Letters Patent from State and Federal Government (see Section 1.1)
2. Details concerning material provided to Commissioner Dodson's Commission (list of locations where meetings and conterences held, witnesses, submissions, interviews, exhibits) (see Section 1.7)
3. Historical chronology (see Chapter 2)
4 . ALS Research Paper 4 and survey form (see Section 5.3.2)
5. Mission Lands Report recommendations (see Section 6.4.1)
6. Copy of Kanpamni community's submission concerning 'living area excision' (see Section 6.4.2)
7. Raw data on Kimberley and Pilbara regions concerning consumer price survey on essential foods (see Section 7.1)
8. Juvenile justice and incarceration (see Sections 10.3.1 and 10.3.3)
9. Newspaper clippings: Mt Magnet, Gera1dton and Mullewa (see Section 18.5)
10. Newspaper clippings: 'Aboriginal gangs terrorise suburbs' (see Section 18.5)
11. Newspaper clippings: contrasting views of non-Aboriginal youth as conveyed in the media (see Section 18.5)
12. Newspaper clippings: after the funeral of Edward Cameron (see Section 18.6)
13. Newspaper clippings: The Kimberley Echo (see Section 18.6)
14. Newspaper clippings: identifying Aboriginality (see Section 18.8)
785
APPENDIX 1
Copies of Commissioner Dodson's Letters Patent
from State and Federal Government
(see Section 1.1)
787
rn z
....
rn ,., rn 0
z
,., rn
8 ,., 0
-v :!:'< .. 3 .. N" CD;· ,.,.,., ::r .. c.= . .. '< .. 0 0 ...... c ft ::I :I CD M' .... z CD \0 N ..
COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA
ELIZABETH THE" SECOND, by the Grace of God, Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth: TO:
PATRICK LIONEL DODSON
GREETING:
WE DO by these Our Letters Patent issued in Our name by Our Governor-General of the Collllllonweal th of Australia on the advice of the Federal Executive Couneil and pursuant to the Constitution of the Commonwealth of the Act 1902
and every other ling power, appoint you
with effect on and from 1 July 1989 to be a Commissioner to inquire into any underlying issues associated with deaths of Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders in the State of Western Australia in all cases where such deaths occurred during the period that commenced on 1 January 1980 and ended at the expiration of 31 Hay 1989 whilst in police custody; in prison or in any other place of detention other than such deaths occurring
in a mental institution, infirmary
or medical treatment centre unless injuries suffered while in police custody, in prison or in any other place of detention caused or contributed to them:
AND We declare that, for the purpose of reporting on any underlying issues associated with those deaths, you are authorised to take account of social, cultural and legal factors which, in your
judgement, appear to have a bearing on those deaths:
789
2.
AND We direct you:
(a) to consult generally with the Honourable Elliott Frank Johnston with regard to the methods and procedures to be followed in relation to his and your inquiries;.and
( b) to conform with any guidelines issued or recommendations made by the Honourable Elliott Frank Johnston under the relevant Commission in relation to those methods and procedures; for the purposes of establishing a uniform approach in relation to those inquiries: AND We further direct you, when so requested by the Honourable Elliott Frank Johnston under the relevant Commission, whether before or after the submission of your report but not later than 31 December 1990, to consult with him in relation to the preparation of his
report or reports and recommendations under that Commission:
AND We authorise you to have regard, in relation to the preparation of your report, to any reports of the Honourable James Henry Muirhead relating to deaths of Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders in the State of Western Australia:
AND, where a relevant Commissioner has inquired, or inquires, under the Commissioner's Commission of inquiry into a death in the State of western Australia: (c) We further authorise you to have regard to any
report of that Commissioner relating to that death; and
(d) We further direct you to consult with that Commissioner;
in relation to the preparation of your report: AND We further declare that you are further authorised to conduct your inquiry into any matters under these Our Letters Patent in combination with any inquiry into the same or related matters that you are directed or authorised to make by any Commission issued, or pursuant
to any order or appointment made, by Our Governor of the State of Western Australia:
AND We further declare that in these Our Letters Patent:
790
3.
(e) the expression â¢relevant Commission⢠means the Commission of inquiry issued on 27 April 1989 by Our Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia by Letters Patent to the Honourable
Elliott Frank Johnston: and (f) the expression â¢relevant Commissioner" means a person other than yourself to whom a Commission of inquiry relating to the deaths of Aboriginals and
Torres Strait Islanders has been or is issued by Our Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia, or a person administering the Government of the eo..onwealth of Australia, by Our Letters
Patent,. not being a person in relation to whom such a Commission of inquiry has been or is revoked:
AND We require you as expeditiously as practicable to make your inquiry and, not later than 30 September 1990 or such later day as We may be pleased to fix, to
furnish to the Honourable Elliott Frank Johnston for his consideration and for furnishing by him to Our Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia under the relevant COmmission a report of the results of your
inquiry. ·
Dated this 2Ith
WITNESS His Excellency the Honourable William George Hayden, Companion of the Order of Australia, Governor-General of
the Commonwealth of Australia.
day of June 19 89
By His Excellency's Command,
for and on behalf of the Prime Minister
791
Western Australia
Lieutenant-Governor and Administrator
ROYAL COMMISSION
By His Excellency the Honourable Sir Francis Theodore Page Burt, Companion of the Order of Knight Comaander of
the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Queen's Counsel, Lieutenant Governor and Administrator of
the State of Western Australia.
TO: THE HONOURABLE PATRICK LIONEL DODSON
I, the Lieutenant-Governor and Adainistrator, do by this commission issued with the advice and consent of the
Executive Council -(1) appoint you to be a Royal Coaâ¢ission to inquire into and
report upon any underlying issues associated with deaths
of Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders· in the State
of Western Australia in all cases where such deaths
occurred during the period that coaaenced on 1 January
1980 and ended on 31 May 1989 whilst in police custody,
in prison or in any other place of detention, but not
including such a death occurring in a hospital, .. ntal
institution, infiraary or medical treataent centre unless injuries suffered while in police custody, in prison or
in any place of detention caused or contributed to theâ¢:
and
792
2
(2) declare that for the purpose of reporting on any
underlying issues associated with such deaths, you are
authorized to take account of social, cultural and legal
factors which, in your judgment, appear to have a bearing on those deaths: and
(3) direct you -(a) to consult generally with the Honourable Elliott
Fran!( Johnston with regard to the methods and
procedures to be followed in relation to his and
your and
(b) to conform with any guideline3 issued or
reco111mendations made by t&1e Honourable Elliott Frank
Johnston under the relevant commission in relation
to those methods and procedures,
for the purpose of establishing a uniform approach in
relation to those inquiries: and r (4) direct you if so requested by the Honourable Elliott
Frank Johnston under the relevant commission, whether
before or after the submission of your report but not
later than 31 December 1990, to consult with him in relation to the preparation of his report or reports and recommendations under that commission: and
(5) direct you to have regard in relation to the preparation
of your report to the reports and recommendations (if
any) of the Honourable James Henry Muirhead relating to
the deaths of Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders in
the State of Western Australia: and
(6) direct you, where a =elevant Commissioner has inquired,
or inquires, under the Commissioner's commission of
inquiry into a death in the State of Western Australia -
793
3
(a) to have regard to any report of that Commissioner
relating to that death; and (b) to consult with that Commissioner in relation to the
preparation of your report; and
(7) declare that in this commission the expression "relevant
commission⢠means the commission issued this day by me to
the Honourable Elliott Frank Johnston; and
(8) declare that in this commission the expression "relevant
Commissioner⢠means a person other than yourself to whom
a commission of inquiry relating to the deaths of
and Torres Strait Islanders has been or is
issued by me not being a person in relation to whom such
a commission of inquiry has been or is revoked.
GIVEN under my hand and the Seal of the State
on 1989.
By His Excellency's Command,
PREMIER
GOD SAVE THE QUEEN I
794
.. 3
....,!'
;·
:T:a:l n
....
Q. =· ⢠n '< ..
2,2. oo';1 ;:;
rT a
m;
0'?
l'ft â¢
..
g
s
Q c " £:
COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA
ELIZABETH THE SECOND, by the Gr ace of God, Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth: TO:
PATRICK LIONEL DODSON
GREETING:
WHEREAS by Letters Patent issued in Our name by Our Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia on 28 June 1989 We appointed you to be a Commissioner to inquire into and report upon certain deaths in Australia since 1 January 1980 of Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders whilst in police custody, in prison or in any other place of detention and into certain matters thereto:
AND WHEREAS it is desirable that those Letters Patent be varied in certain respects:
NOW THEREFORE We do, by these our Letters Patent issued in Our name by Our Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia on the advice of the Federal Executive council and pursuant to the constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, the Boyal Commissions Act 1902 and every other enabling power , declare that the
Letters Patent issued on 28 June 1989 shall have effect on and from 12 o ' clock noon on 25 September 1990 as if:
795
2
(a) for the words "not later than 31 December 1990" there were substituted the words "31 March 1991"; and
(b) for the words "not later than 30 September 1990" there were substituted the words "not later than 30 November 1990".
Dated this
Prime Minister
WITNESS His Excellency the Honourable William George Hayden, Companion of the Order of Australia, Governor-General of the Coaaonwealth of Australia.
day of Jp,., 1990
796
Details concerning material provided to
Commissioner Dodson's Commission
(see Section 1.7)
797
APPENDIX 2
WITNESSES TO COMMISSIONER DODSON'S COMMISSION
WITNESSES DATE REPRESENTING PLACE
ATHERDON Graham 02.03.90 Woodside Karratha Roeboume Senior Pulic Affairs Officer
BALL Karen 02.03.90 Ieramugadu Group Roeboume
A/Manager
BARTLETf Phil 01.03.90 ADS Pt Hedland Senior Roeboume Project Officer
BILLING Julie 02.02.90 Shire Local History Roeboume
Officer
BLUM Doreen 01.03.90 Shire Councillor Roeboume
BOWIE Leslie 26.02.90 Homeswest Technical Roe bourne Officer
BOYDSgt 27.02.90 Police Roeboume
BUTLER Graham 02.03.90 Pundulmurra College Roeboume
CHEEK Pat 02.03.90 Karratha College A/Head Roeboume Department of Business
CHEVIS Hugh 01.03.90 Conservation And Land Roe bourne Management
CLIFfON Elaine 02 .03.90 DEET Pilbara Education Roe bourne Officer Sth Hedland
CONDON Adrian 02.03.90 Karratha Districkt Roeboume
Education Office ALO
CONNELL Betty 27.02.90 Justice of the Peace Roe bourne
CONNELL Betty 01.03.90 Shire Councillor Roeboume
CUNNINGHAM Jeff 02 .03.90 Karratha College Roe bourne A/Director
CURRIE Brian 02 .03.90 Australian Workers Roe bourne
Union Member
799
DANIELS David 26.02.90 Goora-Binya Culture Roe bourne Camp
DANIELS David 28.02.90 Goora-Binya Culture Roeboume Camp
DAVIS Peter 28.02.90 Community Based Roe bourne
Corrections
DUNCAN Bruce 01.03.90 Justice of the Peace Roe bourne
EARLS Danny 27.02.90 Regional Prison Life Roe bourne
Skills Instructor
FERGUSON Ann 01.03.90 Shire Councillor Roeboume
FINNERTY Richard 28.02.90 ADA West Pilbara Roe bourne
FLYNN Supt Keith 27.02.90 Regional Prison Roe bourne
GAHAN Sr Donna 28.02.90 Community Health Roe bourne
GOGGIN Dennis 02.03.90 Woodside Karratha Roe bourne
Production Division Manager
GROGAN Bill 02.03.90 Principal Roeboume Roe bourne
Primary School
HARRIS Terry 27.02.90 Justice of the Peace Roe bourne
HARRIS Terry 28.02.90 Roeboume/Wickam Roe bourne
Hospitals Administrator
HARRIS Tony 02.03.90 Manager Department of Roe bourne Employment & Training - Karratha
HART Bob 28.02.90 Department for Roe bourne
Community Services
HART Greg 26.02.90 Homeswest Branch Roeboume
Manager
HOBSON Stan 01.03.90 Community Member Roeboume
HOBSON Yvonne 01.03.90 Community Member Roe bourne
HORN J (Nick) 02.03.90 Karratha College Roeboume
800
INGRAM Geoff 02.03.90 Hammersley Iron - Roeboume Principal Personnel Adviser Operations Dampier
JACOBS Alan 28.02.90 Community Member Roeboume
JEANNE Sister 01.03.90 Daughter of Charity Roe bourne
JONES Connie 28.02.90 Department for Roe bourne
Community Setvices
JONES Sr Carole 01.03.90 Daughter of Charity Roeboume
JONES Sr Carole 26.02.90 Daughter of Charity Roeboume
KING Keith 02.03.90 Principal Pundulmurra Roeboume College
KNIGHT Rasata 28.02.90 Community Roeboume
Development Officer DCS
KNIGHT Rasata 02.03.90 Community Roeboume
Development Officer DCS
KNarr John 27.02.90 Prison Officer Roeboume
Roeboume Regional Prison
LOCKYER Carol 26.02.90 Roebourne Resident Roeboume
LOCKYER Carol 02.03.90 Chairperson Ieramugadu Roeboume Group Inc.
LOCKYER Marilyn 28.02.90 N Administrator Roeboume Murwankarra Health Setvices
LONG Denis 26.02.90 RCIADIC Liaison Roeboume
Officer
MARTINMr 27 .02.90 Justice of the Peace Roeboume
McCAUGHAN Laurain 02.03.90 Manager Department of Roeboume Social Security - Port Hedland
McCOLLGrul 28 .02.90 Community Nurse Port Roeboume Hedland
801
McGll...L Malcolm 01.03.90 Branch Manager ADC Roe bourne Port Hedland
Mll.LSFr 01.03.90 Catholic Priest Roeboume
MITCHELL Chris 02.03.90 Employee Relations Roe bourne Manager Woodside Karratha
MITCHELL Peter 27.02.90 Justice of the Peace Roe bourne
MORAN Supt Kevin 27.02.90 Officer-In-Charge Roe bourne Pilbara Police
NEWMAN Ken 01 .03 .90 Regional Manager DAA Roeboume
O'DONAGHUE Phillip 26 .02.90 Aboriginal Legal Service Roeboume
REDMAN Rev Terry 01.03.90 Anglican Rector Karratha Reo bourne
SCHOOTSTRA Penny 28.02.90 Department for Roeboume Community Services
SMITH Ann 02.03 .90 Roeboume Education Roeboume Centre
SMITH Elizabeth 02.03.90 Co-ordinator Roeboume Roe bourne Education Centre
SMITH Marshall 26.02.90 Corrective Services Roe bourne
SMITH Marshall 28 .02.90 Community Based Roeboume Corrections
SMITH Marshall 02.03.90 Community Based Roe bourne Corrections
SOLOMON Roger 26.02.90 Heritage Officer Roe bourne Aboriginal Sites Western Australian Museum
SYMMONDS David 02.03.90 Aboriginal Employment Roeboume & Training DEEr
TIERNEY Elaine 28.02.90 Bookkeeper Roe bourne
Mmwankarra Health Services
WEBBERMim 28 .02.90 Manager Department for Roeboume Community Services West Pilbara
802
WEBBERMim 02.03.90 Manager Department for Roeboume Community Services West Pilbara
WILKINSON Jane 26.02.90 Karratha Roeboume
WILLIAMS Ian 02.03 .90 General Manager - Roeboume
Operations Dampier-Hammersley Iron
WISSONLee 02 .03.90 Karratha District Roeboume
Education Office
WOODLEY Bruce 01.03.90 Conservation And Land Roeboume Management
WOOSNAM Michael 01.03.90 Roe bourne Shire Roe bourne Councillor
WY A TI Sr Julie 28.02.90 Murwankarra Health Roeboume Services
AH SAM Beverley 20.03.90 Liaison Officer Broome Broome Primary School
ARMSfRONG Maxine 23.03.90 Ngunga Women's Broome Aboriginal Group Derby
BARR Kelvin 22.03.90 Manager Aboriginal Broome
Programmes DEET
BESSARUB Dawn 19.03.90 Department for Broome
Community Services -Deroy
BEVAN Esther 22.03.90 Spirituality Centre Broome
BEVAN Esther 23 .03.90 W AAECG- WK and Broome
Chairperson CEAAC Kimberley
BUCKLAND 22 .03.90 Bishop Anglican Church Broome Bernard R
BUTCHER Vicki 19.03.90 Department for Community Services Broome
CARNARI Warren 20.03.90 Branch Manager Broome
Homeswest
CORNOCH Richard 19.03.90 Department for Community Services Broome
803
COUNCILLOR 22.03.90 Manager Aboriginal Broome Maitland Programmes DEET
Derby
CULLENDER Anne 20.03.90 Teacher St Mary's Broome School
DARCY Sandra 19.03.90 Department for Broome
Community Setvices
DOUfRE Peter 22.03.90 ManagerDeparttnentof Broome Social Security
FONG Kevin 20.03.90 Regional Manager Broome
Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Commission
FONG Kevin 22.03.90 Regional Manager Broome
Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Commission
GARROW Dr Stuart C 19.03.90 Medical Officer Broome Broome Regional Aboriginal Medical Service
GROPE Michael 22.03.90 Co-Regional Manager Broome ATSICDerby
HAGUE Fiona 20.03.90 Snr Educator Broome
KEMESCHS
HARKIN Supt Francis 21.03.90 Broome Regional Prison Broome
HARPER Supt Roy 21.03.90 Relieving Supt. Broome Broome Regional Police Office
HEATH Dr Richard 19.03.90 Snr Medical Officer Broome Broome District Hospital
HENDERSON Dianne 20.03 .90 Health Educator, Milliya Broome Rummura
HENDERSON Sharon 23 .03.90 Ngunga Women's Broome Aboriginal Group Derby
HILL Margaret 22.03.90 Pastoral Worker Catholic Broome Church
HOLMES Michael 19.03.90 Regional Office W AADA Broome
804
HOWARD James 20.03.90 Student Nulungu Broome
Catholic College
HUNTER Dorothy 20.03.90 Community Member Broome
INALLDavid 21.03.90 Prison Officer Broome
Department of Corrective Services
INALLDavid 22.03.90 Prison Officer Broome Broome
Regional Prison
KESISCH Steve 20.03.90 Architect Broome
LAMBIE Rodman 21.03.90. Visiting Justice of the Broome Prison
MAN ADO Gerrard 23.03.90 Field Officer Broome Broome Regional Aboriginal Medical Service
MAN ADO Gerrard 19.03.90 Field Officer Broome Broome Regional Aboriginal Medical Service
MATfHEWS Doris 20.03.90 Teacher's Assistant Broome St Mary's School
MATSUMOTO Phillip 23.03.90 Co-ordinator Milliya Broome Rummura Alcohol Rehabilitation Centre
McKENZIE Michael 20.03.90 Liaison Officer Nulungu Broome Catholic College
McKENZIE Michael 20.03.90 Liaison Officer St Broome
Mary's School
McMAHONFrM 22 .03.90 Director Spirituality Broome
Centre
McNAUGHT Geoffrey 22.03.90 Managerl)epartmentof Broome Employment & Traning
MIDDLETON Louise 21.03.90 Education Tutor Broome Broome Regional Prison
NEGUS Br Peter 20.03.90 Principal Nulungu Broome
Catholic College
OADES Richard 19.03.90 Social Worl<. Supervisor Broome DCS West Kimberley
805
P ARRIMAN Elizabeth 19.03.90 Community Based Broome Corrections Broome
PA YNfER Mark 20.03.90 Snr Mathematics Teacher Broome Broome District High School
PUERTO LLANO 23.03.90 Home And Community Broome Elizabeth Care
PUERTOLLANO John 20.03.90 Aboriginal Education Broome Worker Broome, District High School
READ Vanessa 20.03.90 Health Educator Milli ya Broome Rummura Broome
READ Vanessa 19.03.90 Regional Health Broome
Education Officer Health Promotions Services Branch
RIVERS Noel 19.03.90 Community Based Broome
Corrections Broome
ROBERTS Jean 23.03.90 Ngunga Women's Broome
Aboriginal Group Derby
SAHANNA Rosie 19.03.90 Department for Broome
Community Services
SCOTT Kerry 23.03.90 Ngunga Women's Broome
Aboriginal Group Derby
SEARLE Murray 20.03.90 Principal Broome Broome Primary School
SLATTERY Mary 23.03.90 District Nurse Broome
Supervisor Community Health
SMYTHE Alison 20.03 .90 KEMESCHS Broome
STONE Snr Sgt 21.03.90 Broome Regional Police Broome Lesley J
TONKINS John 22.03.90 Community Broome
Development Worker Uniting Church Broome
TURNER Ivan 19.03.90 Department for Broome
Community Services
806
WATSON John 23.03.90 Community Member Broome
WATSON Peter 20.03.90 Principal Cable Beach \ roome Primary School
WEBSTER Donald 19.03.90 Community Based Broome Corrections Broome
wn...cox Richard G 21.03.90 Prison Officer Broome Broome Regional Prison
WRONSKI Dr Ian 19.03.90 Health Services Director Broome forKAMSC
YU Sarah 20.03 .90 Aboriginal Studies Broome
Curriculum Nu1ungu Catholic College Broome
AUSTIN Jane 02 .04.90 Nurse Aboriginal Gerald ton
Medical Service
BENNELLivy 04.04.90 Prison Officer Gerald ton
Greenough Prison
BODDINGTON David 04 .04.90 Justice of the Peace Gerald ton
BOELENBart 05.04.90 Regional Manager Gerald ton
Western Australian Tourism Commission
BOGLE Geoffrey 04 .04.90 Prison Officer Gerald ton
Greenough Prison
BROCKMAN Julie 05.04.90 Aboriginal Visitor Gerald ton Scheme
BROOK Charles 04.04.90 Justice of the Peace Gerald ton
CICCHINI Giuseppe 04.04.90 Magistrate Gerald ton
CLARKE Garry 05.04.90 Senior Regional Officer Gerald ton Ministry for Sport & Recreation
COURTLAND Peter 05.04.90 Project Manager Geraldton Skill Care Gerald ton
DAVIES Arnold 04.04 .90 Superintendent Geraldton Police Region Gerald ton
DAWSON John 04.04.90 Justice of the Peace Gerald ton
807
DEAN John 02.04.90 Department of Geraldton
Community Services, Murchison Division
DERSCH OW 04.04.90 Police Region Geraldton
Edward C
DffiDENian 04.04.90 Prison Officer Gerald ton
Greenough Prison
EVERSHED Gary 03.04.90 Director Community Gerald ton Education Centre
FINDLAY Audrey 04.04.90 Justice of the Peace Gerald ton
FLETCHER Allan 03.04.90 Regional Manager Gerald ton Homeswest
FORSYfH William 03.04.90 Regional Co-ordinator Gerald ton Geraldton Regional College T AFE
GALLAHER Ken 03.04.90 Councillor Shire of Gerald ton Greenough
GALLUP Douglas 04.04.90 Justice of the Peace Gerald ton
GARRATT Gordon 03.04.90 Shire President Shire of Geraldton Greenough
GREEN Noel 03.04.90 Trainee Executive Officer Gerald ton Murchison Regional Aboriginal Corporation
GREEN Susan 03.04.90 Resident Geraldton
JONES Gordon 03.04.90 Captain Salvation Anny Gerald ton
KEARNEY Joseph 03.04.90 Catholic Aboriginal Gerald ton Ministry
KICKETT Gloria A 04.04.90 Geraldton Police Region Gerald ton
KICKETT Graham 05.04.90 Consultant Ministry for Geraldton Sport & Recreation
KICKETT Hilda 05.04.90 Regional Rep. Western Geraldton Australian Aboriginal Education Consultative Group
808
KNIGHTivor 04.04.90 Superintendent Gerald ton
Greenough Prison
LAUDHER Maxine 03.04.90 Aboriginal Liaison Gerald ton Officer Education Department
LEE James 03.04.90 Principal Rangeway Gerald ton
Primary School
McDONALD Wayre 02.04.90 Drug & Alcohol Gerald ton CoWlSellor AMS
McNEAIR Helen 05.04.90 Senior Project Officer Gerald ton ATSIC
MERCERMr 05.04.90 Regional Manager Gerald ton
Department of Conservation & Land Management
MUSTON Gerald 03.04.90 Anglican Bishop West Gerald ton Diocese
MYER.David 02.04.90 Alcohol & Drug Gerald ton
Authority Murchison Regional Office
O'MEARA Lynette 05.04.90 Boarder Stella Maris Gerald ton College
PERRY William 03.04.90 Shire Oerk Shire of Gerald ton Greenough
REID Anne 05.04.90 Regional Manager Gerald ton
Department for Planning & Urban Development
RHATIGAN Neil John 04.04.90 Geraldton Police Region Gerald ton
ROHAN Margaret 02.04.90 Department of Corrective Gerald ton Services
ROLFE Phillip 05.04.90 Department of Gerald ton
Employment & Training
ROLSTON Donald 03.04.90 Director Geraldton Gerald ton Regional College T AFE
RONAN Elvie 05.04.90 Assistant Manager Gerald ton
Aboriginal Hostel Gerald ton
800
RONAN Robert 05.04.90 MemberofThe Street Gerald ton Work Committee
RYAN Mamie 03.04.90 Catholic Aboriginal Geraldton
Ministry
SCHULTZ 02.04.90 St John Ambulance Gerald ton
Raymond G
SIMPSON Graham 03.04.90 Town Oerk Geraldton Geraldton City Council
STOKES Kim 05.04.90 Manager Commonwealth Geraldton Employment Setvice
TAYLOR Ashley 04.04.90 Justice of the Peace Geraldton
TENNANT Peter 03.04.90 Principal John Wilcox Geraldton Senior High School
VAN KESSEL Lucy 05.04.90 Principal Stella Maris Geraldton College
VINEY Ross 05.04.90 Regional Employment Gerald ton
Development Officer Dept of Employment & Traning
VON KEHLER Elgin 03.04.90 City Council Gerald ton
WARD Joan 02.04.90 Education Officer Gerald ton
Department of Community Setvices
WATSON David 02.04.90 Department of Corrective Geraldton Setvices
WHEELAN Edward 03.04.90 City Council Geraldton
WILLA WAY Nonna 03 .04.90 Catholic Aboriginal Gerald ton Ministry
BARDON Vicky 11.04.90 Community Member Carnatvon (Aunty of Lincoln Wimbus)
BARDON Vicky 12.04.90 Community Member Carnatvon (Aunty of Lincoln Wimbus)
810
BARON Paul 11.04.90 Vocation Officer Carnarvon
Aboriginal Programmes BranchDEET
BELOTI1 Gail 12.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon SeJVice Health Worker
BODDINGTON Donald 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service
BOSTON Christopher 10.04.90 Shire Councillor Carnarvon
CAHll...LMr 09.04.90 Justice of the Peace Carnarvon
CHERVERTON 10.04.90 Shire Oerk Carnarvon
Malcolm
CLARKE Gavin 09.04.90 Principal Carnarvon Carnarvon Primary School
CLINCH Elizabeth 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service
COCKRAM Gregroy 09.04.90 Magistrate Carnarvon
COLEMAN Rhonda 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
COOK Leslie 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
COUNCILLOR Phillip 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
CROCKER Colin 09.04.90 TAFE Carnarvon
DALE Wallace 10.04.90 Shire President Carnarvon
DAVIES Alan 10.04.90 StJohn Ambulance Carnarvon
DAVIES Allan 10.04.90 Shire Councillor Carnarvon
DEAN John NSupervisor Murchison Carnarvon
Division
DffiDEN Geoffrey 10.04.90 Baha'i Community Carnarvon
EVANS Susan 11.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
EVANS Susan 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
FLECTCHER John 10.04.90 Assembly of God Carnarvon Church
811
GRAIEG Lindsay 10.04.90 St Luke's Church Carnarvon Carnarvon
HALL Christopher 09.04.90 Education Support Unit Carnarvon
HASELBYKN 09.04.90 Justice of the Peace Carnarvon
HAYWOOD Kaylene 09.04.90 Teacher East Carnarvon Carnarvon Primary School
HUNTER Colin 09.04.90 Principal East Carnarvon Carnarvon Primary School
KENNINGTON Sgt C 09.04.90 Officer-In-Charge - Carnarvon Police
LEGG Alison 09.04.90 Deputy Principal Carnarvon
Carnarvon Senior High School
MacMAHON Norman 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MacMAHON Shirley 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MALLARD Keny 09.04.90 Relief AEW East Carnarvon Carnarvon Primary School
MAVERKim 11.04.90 Murchinson Division Carnarvon
McARTHUR Rev Peter 10.04.90 Anglican Church Carnarvon
McCABE Philip 10.04.90 Baha'i Community Carnarvon
McKENZIE Dr 10.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Raymond Service
McKENZIE Dr 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Raymond Service
MITCHELL Elsie 11.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MITCHELL Eva 11.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MITCHELL Jimmy 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MITCHELL John 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MITCHELL K Mrs 09.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
MITCHELL Karen 10.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service
812
MITCHELL Karen 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnruvon Service
MORRIS Anne 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Camruvon Service
OAKLEY Revel 09.04.90 Police Aide Carnruvon
OAKLEY Susan 10.04.90 Homeswest Camruvon
OAKLEY Susan 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
OMERODNora 09.04.90 AEW Carnarvon Primary Carnruvon School
PARKER Natalie 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service
PHILLIPS Kenneth 09.04.90 Aboriginal Education Carnarvon Worker Carnarvon Senior High School
QUINN Steven 10.04.90 Homeswest Branch Carnarvon Manager
RANGER George 12.04.90 Community Member Camruvon
RANGER Ross 10.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service
RANGER Ross 11.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service
RYAN Kathy 11.04.90 Community Member Carnruvon
RYAN Lorna 12.04.90 Community Member Camruvon
SCHMIDT Raymond 10.04.90 Missionary Churches of Carnarvon Christ Federal Aborigines Board
SNOWBALL Charlie 12.04.90 Community Member Camruvon
STARR Georgina 09.04.90 AEW East Carnarvon Carnarvon Primary School
STEW ART Craig 10.04.90 Anglican Church Camruvon
STUART Anthony 09.04.90 Police Aide Camruvon
TAYLOR Genie 12.04.90 Community Member Camruvon
813
TEEDEB 09.04.90 Justice of the Peace Canwvon
THOMPSON May 10.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service President
THOMPSON May 11.04.90 Murchinson Division CamaiVon
THOMPSON May 12.04.90 Aboriginal Medical Carnarvon Service President
THORPE Brian 10.04.90 St Luke's Church Carnarvon
VEENCMrs 09.04.90 Justice of the Peace Carnarvon
VELINGJohn 11.04.90 ManagerDepanrnentof CamaiVon Employment & Training
WHITE Cynthia 09.04.90 Aboriginal Liaison Cama!Von Officer Carnarvon Senior High School
WHITE Cynthia 09.04.90 Secretary Parent Group Camatvon Carnarvon Primary School
WIMBUS Herbert 12.04.90 Community Member Cama!Von
WIMBUS Lincoln 11.04.90 Student Carnarvon
WIMBUS Lincoln 12.04.90 Student Carnarvon
WINDER Helen 09.04.90 Chairperson Minoo Carnarvon Malga Kindergarten Committee
WINDER Helen 12.04.90 Community Member Carnarvon
BECK John 30.04.90 Community Member Esperance
CARMODY Roma 30.04.90 Member Aboriginal Esperance Housing Board Homeswest
COLES Joseph 30.04.90 Department of Esperance
Community Health
JAMIESON Gail 30.04.90 Ex-AEW Esperance Esperance Senior High School
NEVIN Dennis 30.04.90 Aboriginal Education Esperance Officer Esperance High School
814
REYNOLDS Nellie 30.04.90 Resident Esperance
REYNOLDS Robin 30.04.90 Aboriginal Education Esperance Worlcer Norseman Primary School
REYNOLDS Ronald 30.04.90 Community Member Esperance
ROBINS Brenda 30.04.90 Department of Esperance
Community Health
SAMBO Lynette 30.04.90 Esperance Aboriginal Esperance Corporation
SAMBO Rosina 30.04.90 Esperance Aboriginal Esperance Corporation
SMITH Pamela 30.04.90 Esperance Aboriginal Esperance Corporation
TRENBERTH Gregory 30.04.90 Department of Esperance Employment & Training
WEST Judith 30.04.90 T AFE Lecturer Esperance
WINrON John 30.04.90 Conservation And Land Esperance Management
BASSETT -SCARFE 03.05.90 Western Australian Albany Lynn Alcohol & Drug
Authority Regional Representative
BILICK Anthony M 03.05.90 Justice of the Peace
BLECHYNDEN 03.05.90 Department of Albany
Kenneth Employment & Training
A;M:anager
BOLGER James 03.05.90 Technical & Further Albany Education A/Director
BOOTH David 03.05.90 Principal North Albany Albany Senior High
BROWN Ronald Keith 03.05.90 Justice of the Peace Albany
COEBud 03.05.90 Co-ordinator Aboriginal Albany
Education& Employment T AFE
815
COEBud 04.05.90 Albany Community Albany
Release Program
COLBUNGMr 04.05.90 Chainnan Resource Albany Agency
COOMBES-PEARCE 04.05.90 Superintendent Albany Albany Phillip Regional Prison
COYNE Dallas J 04.05.90 Police Aide Albany
COYNE Lester 03.05.90 Manager Aboriginal Albany Programmes - Dept Employment & Training
DEAN Averil 04.05.90 Resident Albany
DILEITI Angelo 04.05.90 Director of Nursing Albany Albany Regional Hospital
DOWNEY David 03.05.90 Regional Manager Albany Department of Social Security
ELLIOT George 04.05.90 Senior Sergeant Albany Albany Regional Police
GRIBBON Martin 03.05.90 Social Worker/Supervisor Albany Department for Community Services
GRIFFITHS Diana 04.05.90 Education Officer Albany Albany Regional Prison
HAYDEN John 04.05.90 Liaison Officer Health Albany Department Narrogin
HERFORD Ian 03.05.90 Conservation & Land Albany Management Regional Planning Officer
HOOPER Donald 03.05.90 Homeswest Regional Albany Housing Manager
JONES Christopher 03.05.90 Regional Employment Albany Development Officer State DEI'
KELLY Simpson 04 .05 .90 Community Member Albany
816
KHAN Rebecca 03.05.90 Department of Albany
Employment & Training
MacWll..LIAM Hilary A 04.05.90 Departtnent of Corrective Albany Services
MAJOR Craig 04.05.90 Prison Officer Regional Albany Prison
MANNING Peter 04.05.90 Aborginal & Torres Albany Strait Islander Commission
MASSEY Robyn 03.05.90 Deputy Principal Albany Albany Senior High
McKAll. Florence M 03.05.90 Shire Councillor Albany
MEADE Danny 04.05.90 Community Member Albany
MEADEKeny 04.05.90 Community Member Albany
MINITER Graham 03.05.90 Liaison Officer State Albany Education District Office
MORGAN John 03.05.90 Justice of the Peace Albany
NEWMAN Albert W 03.05.90 Town Council Albany
NICKOLLS Nicholas 03.05.90 President of Plantagenet Albany Shire
OVERSBY John 04.05.90 Superintendent Regional Albany Police
PETERSON Carol 03.05.90 DSS Aboriginal Liaison Albany Officer
PETERSON Carol 04.05.90 Chairperson Albany Albany Community Release Programme
PUGH Robert F 03.05.90 Justice of the Peace Albany
REDSHAW Joseph R 03.05.90 Justice of the Peace Albany
REDSHAW Richard 03.05.90 Town Council Albany
RESIDE William J 03.05.90 Prison Visitor Justice of Albany the Peace
RIGGS Harold A 03.05.90 Shire Council President Albany
817
ROWE Penny 04.05.90 Community Nurse Albany
SHEARER John N 03.05.90 Chairman Justices Albany Association
SKINNER Peter 03.05.90 Shire President of Albany
Plantagenet Shire
SLATER Arthur 03.05.90 Departtnent of Albany
Community Services
THORPE Nigel 04.05.90 Co-ordinator Albany Albany Community Release Programme
TRAVERS Crispin 03.05 .90 DCS Senior Social Albany Worker
TRIPLETT' Alan 03.05.90 Departtnent of Albany
Employment, Education & Training
VINCENT Lloyd 04.05.90 Regional Hospital Albany Administrator
WHITE Homer 03 .05.90 Justice of the Peace Albany
WILLIAMS Glenda 04.05.90 Departtnent of Albany
Community Health - Health Worker
WILLIAMS Louise 04.05.90 Community Member Albany
WILLIAMS Shirley 04.05.90 Community Member Albany
WOODS Tracy 04.05.90 Community Member Albany
WRAYRobert 03 .05.90 Justice of the Peace Albany
ANDREWS Adam 17.05.90 Junjuwa Community Mary River Fitzroy Crossing
BIRCH Reginald 16.05.90 Chairman East Mary River
Kimberley Land Council Wyndham
BONSON Robert 16.05.90 Executive Officer Mary River Aboriginal Legal Service Kununurra
BROWN Frank 17.05.90 Senior Sergeant Derby Mary River Regional Police
818
CHULUNG Frank 16.05 .90 Kununurra Mary River
COLBUNGLen 16.05.90 Observer Mary River
COUNCILLOR Henry 17.05.90 Halls Creek Mary River
COX Tommy 16.05.90 Kununurra Mary River
DAWSONMr 17.05.90 Observer Mary River
DOWNS David 17.05.90 Christmas Creek Mary River
Community
FARRER Josie 17.05.90 Halls Creek Mary River
FRANCIS Peter 16.05.90 Christmas Creek Mary River
Community
FRANCIS Peter 17.05.90 Christmas Creek Mary River
Community
FRANCIS Peter 17.05.90 Christmas Creek Mary River
GREEN John 16.05 .90 Halls Creek Mary River
GUY Jim 17.05.90 Sergeant Wyndham Mary River
Police
JAMES Jewess 16.05 .90 Wankatjunka Mary River
Community
JOHANSEN George 17.05.90 Senior Sergeant Mary River
Kununurra Regional Police
KICKEIT Darryl 15.05.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Mary River
KICKEIT Darryl 16.05.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Mary River
LEE John 15.05.90 Ngumpan Mary River
MARSHALL Lucy 15.05.90 Derby Resident Mary River
MARSHALL Lucy 16.05.90 Derby Resident Mary Ri ver
MCKENZIE Michelle 17.05.90 Balgo Community Mary River
MORRISON Pat 15.05.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Mary River
MORRISON Pat 16.05.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Mary River
MOSQUITO Muntja 16.05.90 Balgo Mary River
819
MOSQUITO Muntja 17.05.90 Balgo Mary River
NUMI Elizabeth 16.05.90 Billiluna Mary River
NUMI Elizabeth 17.05.90 Billiluna Mary River
RJLEYRob 17.05.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Mary River
SCHECKLER Colleen 16.05.90 Law and Culture Mary River
SHANDLEY Jock 15.05.90 Fitzroy Crossing Mary River
SHARROT Arthur 17.05.90 Superintendent Mary River
Kimberley Regional Police
SNAil.. Dolly 16.05.90 Fitzroy Crossing Mary River
T ABBA GEE Nipper 16.05.90 Nookanbah Mary River
TOUSSAINT Sandy 15.05.90 RCIADIC Broome Mary River
TURNER David 16.05.90 Christmas Creek Mary River
Community
VICKGeorge 17.05.90 Senior Sergeant Fitzroy Mary River Crossing Police
WATSON Ivan 16.05.90 MtAnderson Mary River
WATSON Johnny 15.05.90 MtAnderson Mary River
WATSON Johnny 16.05.90 MtAnderson Mary River
WATSON Robert 17.05.90 MtAnderson Mary River
WORRAMURRA 16.05.90 Junjuwa Community Mary River Banjo Fitzroy Crossing
WORRAMURRA 17.05.90 Junjuwa Community Mary River Banjo Fitzroy Crossing
BOLTON Allan 22.05.90 Liaison Officer Gnowangerup
DALY-HOLT Lance 22.05.90 Technical & Further Gnowangerup Education Lecturer
EADES Aden 22.05.90 Community Member Gnowangerup
EADES Eugene 22.05.90 Community Member Gnowangerup
GARNETT Richard 23.05.90 Shire Councillor Gnowangerup
820
GOOOS Patricia 22.05.90 Community Member Gnowangerup
HAYWARD Tasman 22.05.90 Aboriginal Education Gnowangerup Worker- Gnowangerup District High School
HOBSON Stephen 23.05.90 Police Constable Gnowangerup
HOOK Mark 23.05.90 A/Shire Oerk Gnowangerup
MINITER Joyce 22.05.90 Community Member Gnowangerup
PECH Kenneth 23.05.90 Shire President Gnowangerup
. POWER Geoffrey 23.05.90 Principal District High Gnowangerup School
STUART Gregory 23.05.90 Shire Councillor Gnowangerup
WITHERS Kenneth 23.05.90 Police Sergeant Gnowangerup
WOODS Humphrey 22.05.90 Community Member Gnowangerup
WOODS Lisa 22.05.90 DCS Family Resource Gnowangerup Worker
BOWEN Katherine 24.05.90 Co-ordinator Aboriginal Northam AccessTAFE
BREYZE Robert 25.05.90 Wheatbelt Aboriginal Northam Corporation
BURNETT Donald 25.05.90 Northam Town Council Northam
CALDER Graeme 24.05.90 Magistrate Northam
DAVIS Katherine 25.04.90 Community Member Northam
GARLETT Rodney 24.05.90 Aboriginal Liaison Unit Northam
GARRE'IT Timothy 24.05.90 Aboriginal Liaison Northam Officer- Department of Social Security
GREEN Bernard 24.05.90 Aboriginal Field Officer Northam CES
GREEN Bernard 25.05.90 Aboriginal Field Officer Northam CES
HALL Steven Youth Worker Co- Northam
ordinator Northam Youth Outreach
82 1
HANCOCK John 25.05.90 Department for Northam
Community Services
KIDD Kevin Snr Sgt 24.05.90 Northam Police Northam
KIELY Sr Mary 25.05.90 Catholic School Principal Northam
KIELY Sr Mary 24.05.90 Catholic School Principal Northam
MARTIN Leslie 24.05.90 Aboriginal Education Northam Worker Northam High School
MASON Steven 24.05.90 Department of Youth, Northam Sport & Recreation
NERICH Hilda 25.05.90 Northam Town Council Northam
PAINE James 25.05.90 Northam Town Council Northam
PARFITT Joan '.' 25.05.90 Community Member Northam
POLLARD Jeffrey 25.05.90 Homeswest Northam
PRIOR Francis Supt 24.05.90 Police Northam
THORNE Milton 25.05.90 Community Member Northam
VERHEGGAN Peter 24.05.90 Department of Social Northam Security Midland Deputy Manager
WATKINS Alan 24.05.90 Community Based Northam
Corrections
WEATHERLY Peter 24.05.90 ManagerCES Northam
ABRAHAMS Ed 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
AGISElaine 31.05.90 Policy, Research & Perth
Training Officer A VS
BADMAN Steve 29.05.90 Co-ordinator Addiction Perth Studies Project ASCCU
BAUGARTER Pearl 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
BEAVER Bevan 30.05.90 Executive Officer Perth
Housing Services Directorate
822
BEDFORD Doreen 31.05.90 Education Officer Dept Perth Corrective Services
BINDER Wayne 30.05.90 Co-ordinator W AAMA Perth
BOOTH John 31.05.90 Regional Director DCS Perth
Southern Metro Region
BOURKE Karine 01.06.90 Producer of Milbindi Perth
GWN
BRENNAN Bruce 31.05.90 NSupt OIC Police Perth
Academy
BRIDGE John 31.05.90 NCo-ordinator Perth
Aboriginal Visitors Scheme
BROSSARD Rormelle 29.05.90 Multi-Cultural Women's Perth Health Group Fremantle
BROWN Rev Murray 31.05.90 Anglican Priest Perth
BUDISELIK Bill 31.05.90 Department for Perth
Community Services-Eastern Metro Region
BUSHCJack 01.06.90 Executive Director Perth
Ministry of Sport & Recreation
CALCARET Tony 01.06.90 Deparunent of Social Perth Security
CHOO Christine 31.05.90 Community Member Perth
COLLARD Fred 30.05.90 Community Perth
Development Officer ADA
COLLARD Jean 30.05.90 Regional Aboriginal Health Liaison Officer Perth
COLLARD Leonnard 30.05.90 Community Member Perth
CORBE1T Chris 01.06.90 Deputy Director of Social Perth Australia for W A
CORBE1T Helen 30.05.90 Community Member Perth
823
CORBE'ITJim 29.05.90 Academic Co-ordinator Perth for Education Unit for ASCCU
CORONA Albert 31.05.90 Aboriginal Visitors Perth
Scheme
CORUNNA Albert 28.05.90 Aboriginal Visitors Perth Scheme
CORUNNA Gwen 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
CREEDY Steve 30.05.90 Chief of Staff West Perth
Australian
DALEY Dave 31.05.90 Manager Community Perth
Based Corrections
DAVIES Rev George 31.05.90 Uniting Church - Perth Perth Inner City Youth SeiVice
DREWELL Thomas 01.06.90 News Director GWN Perth
DUDGEON Pat 29.05.90 Head of Aboriginal Perth
Studies Centre CU
DUDGEON Pat 30.05.90 WACAE Head Ab Perth
Studies Centre
EGGINGTON Dennis 30.05.90 Director W A Aboriginal Perth Media Association
FINCHLEY Joan 30.05.90 Ex-employee of the Perth
DeprurnmentofCorrective SeiVices
FOWLER Paul 31.05.90 Snr Sgt Police Academy Perth
GALLAGHER Michael 30.05.90 Lecturer/ Author Perth
GARLE'IT Jenny 29.05 .90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
GARLE'IT Terry 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
GUNNING Carol 29.05.90 Co-ordinator LeedeiVille Perth T AFE Aboriginal Access -AVS
HAMLE'IT Colleen 28 .05.90 Community Member Perth
824
HAMLE'IT Cora 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
HARRISMr 31.05.90 Police Aide Perth
HAR1LEY John 30.05.90 Lecturer/ Author Media Perth Studies
HENRY Leon 30.05.90 Manager Aboriginal Perth
Employment & Policy Unit within Public Service
HENRY Reg 29.05.90 Co-ordinator Medina Perth
Aboriginal Culture Group
HIT..L Jack 31.05.90 Warwick Polic Station Perth
HILL Michael 01.06.90 Nurrun Association Perth
Busselton
HUMPHRIES Pst 31.05.90 Aboriginal Evangelical Perth Denzil Fellowship
HUTCHINSON Supt 31.05.90 Wooroloo Prison Perth Ron
INDICHNick 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth
Representative
ISAACS Robert 30.05.90 Chairman Aboriginal Perth
Housing Board
ISACCS Robert 30.05.90 Vice President AMS Perth
Perth
JOHNSON Trish 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
JONES Murray 29.05.90 Aboriginal Legal Service Perth Field Officer
KENNEDY Bernadette 31.05.90 House of Hospitality for Perth Homeless Women
KICKETT CHARLES 31.05.90 Police Aide Fremantle Perth
LAW-DAVIES 30.05.90 Vice President Perth
Christopher Journalism Education
Association of Australia
825
LITTLE Des 29.05.90 Aborigianl Community Perth
Representative
LONG John 31.05.90 Midland Police Station Perth
LOUISBevP 29.05.90 W ACAE Aboriginal Perth
Promotions Officer
MAGNUS Jim 30.05.90 Reporter Perth
MAHER Russell 01.06.90 Department of Social Perth
Security
MAIN Keith 31.05.90 Chairman Spec. Govt. Perth
C'tee on Aboriginal, Police & Community Relations
MAY Sharon 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth
Representative
McFARLANE Michael 31.05.90 Police Aide Warwick Perth Polic Station
McGUIRE John 01.06.90 Consultant Ministry of Perth
Sport & Recreation
MCREEDEN Robert 30.05.90 D/Supt Education Balga Perth Ministry of Education
MINNIECON Ray 29.05.90 Aboriginal Co-ordinator Perth Murdoch University
MINNIECON Ray 31.05.90 Aboriginal Evangelical Perth Fellowship
MOORE Peter 31.05.90 Dept Corrective Services Perth
MORRISSON Jerry 29.05.90 Community Member Perth
MORRISSON Norma 29.05.90 W ACAE Dept of Perth Aboriginal & Intercultural Studies
MOSES Jesse 28.05.90 Aboriginal Visitors Perth
Scheme
MOSES Jesse 31.05.90 Aboriginal Visitors Perth
Scheme
MOURISHivy 28.05.90 Cullacabardee Perth
826
MURRAY Paul 30.05.90 Editor West Australian Perth
MURRAY Phil 01.06.90 Director of Aboriginal & Perth Access Division DEEr
NARRIER Marlene 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
O'CONNOR Kay 01.06.90 Department of Perth
Employment, Education & Training
PENMAN Andrew 30.05.90 NCommissioner Perth
Country Operations HDWA
PHILLIPS Neil 01.06.90 Community Member Perth
PUERTOLLANO Chris 01.06.90 Conciliation Officer Perth Equal Opportunity Board
QUARTERMAINE 28.05.90 Ex-Inmate Perth
Brian
QUILTY Betty 28 .05.90 Aboriginal Visitor's Perth
Scheme
RAYNER William G 01.06.90 Chief Executive fo OWN Perth
RILEY Robert 29.05.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Perth
RILEY Robert 30.05.90 Chairman Western Perth
Australian Aboriginal Media Assoication
RIITERPaul 01.06.90 Lecturer Oontarf College Perth
ROGERSON Geoff 01.06.90 Department of Employment, Education Perth & Training
ROYCE Sgt Brian 31.05.90 Police Aboriginal Liaison Perth Unit
RYANBrKevin 29.05.90 Principal Oontarf Perth
Aboriginal College
RYANBrKevin 30.05.90 Principal Oontarf Perth
Aboriginal College
SAND George 31.05.90 Department of Corrective Perth Services
827
SHARRA T Steven 29.05.90 Aboriginal Legal Service Perth Solicitor
SIMPSON Colin 31.05.90 OCS Assistant Director Perth Community Funding & Development Directorate
SKERTERIS Robert 31.05.90 Spec. Govt. C'tee on Perth Aboriginal, Police & Community Relations
SLATER Judy 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
SMYTH Christopher S 30.05.90 Branch Secretary Perth Australian Journalists Association W A Branch
SPENCER Douglas 30.05.90 Producer ABC National Perth Member of Aboriginal Media Liaison Group
ST ANFIN Delphine 31.05.90 Co-ordinator Uniting Perth Aboriginal and Islander Christian Congress
STANTON Ron 01.06.90 Perth Regional Office Perth
ATSIC
STEEL Graham 30.05.90 Australian Broadcasting Perth Commission (Manager Remote Area Broadcasting)
STEW ART Allan 01.06.90 Department of Perth
Employment, Education & Training
TAYLOR Ben 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
TAYLOR Maree 30.05.90 Community Member Perth
TAYLOR Marie 30.05.90 Metro Member Perth
Aboriginal Housing Board
TAYLOR Marie 31.05.90 Manguri Aboriginal Perth
Evangelical Fellowship
TRIGGER David 30.05.90 Lecturer Anthropology Perth UWA
828
TRUST Joyce 01.06.90 Department of Social Perth
Security
TYNAN Dawn 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
VAN EARP Leon 29.05.90 Co-ordinator T AFE Perth
Aboriginal Accesss
W ALGAR Monte 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
WALLEY Jack 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
WALLY Peter 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth
Representative
WARD Supt Peter 31.05.90 Nyandie Institution Perth
WARD Janet 31.05.90 DCS NSupervisor Field Perth
Division Mirrabooka
W AREROPE Ian 01.06.90 Department of Social Perth Security
WILLIAMS Gina 01.06.90 Presenter Milbindi OWN Perth
WILLIAMS June 01.06.90 Commissioner Equal Perth Opportunity Board
WILSONian 29.05.90 Department for Perth
Community Services
WINMAR Barry 29.05.90 Aboriginal Community Perth Representative
WINMAR Ralph 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
WOODS Moira 28.05.90 Community Member Perth
WYATIBrian 28.05.90 Deputy Chairman Perth
Western Australian Aboriginal Media Association
WYATIKen 30.05.90 Senior Policy Officer Perth
Aboriginal Health
AKEESandra 08.06.90 Health Dept - Health Kalgoorlie
Worlcer
829
ANDERSON 05.06.90 Australian Broadcasting Kalgoorlie Olannaine Commission - Regional
Programme Manager
ARROW Des 05 .06.90 Field Officer - Western Kalgoorlie Australia Alcohol and Drug Authority
ATKINSON Barry 05.06.90 Manager of Community Kalgoorlie Based Corrections
AYLWARD Phillip 05.06.90 Regional Hospital- Kalgoorlie Administrator
AYLWARD Phillip 05.06.90 Regional Hospital - Kalgoorlie Administrator
BARNARD Helen 05.06.90 Community Nursing- Kalgoorlie Director
BARNES Cyril 08.06.90 Leonora Aboriginal Kalgoorlie Movement Body
BLYTH Noel 07 .06.90 Reverend Kalgoorlie
BROOMHALL Robert 06.06.90 Homeswest Kalgoorlie
CALVIN Paul 08.06.90 Aboriginal & Torres Kalgoorlie Strait Islander Commission
CARMODY Roma 06 .06.90 Aboriginal Housing Kalgoorlie Board Member
COOPER Norman M 09.06.90 Prospector Kalgoorlie
DA WS Olarles 06.06.90 Justice of the Peace Kalgoorlie
DAWSDoug 06.06.90 Justice of the Peace Kalgoorlie
DENHOLM John 07.06.90 Police Senior Sergeant Kalgoorlie
DIMERWendy 08.06.90 DEEr A/Manager Kalgoorlie
Aboriginal Programmes
DONEGAN Paul 09.06.90 Coonaana Community Kalgoorlie Member
DONOVAN Robert 07.06.90 Eastern Goldfields Kalgoorlie Regional Prison Superintendent
830
OORNEYBret 08.06.90 Kalgoorlie
Employment & Training
DOUGLAS Wilf H 07.06.90 Community Kalgoorlie
(Runs couses in Aboriginal languages)
GALLAGHER Hugh 08.06.90 Kalgoorlie-Boulder Kalgoorlie Chamber of Commerce
GITTINS Debbie 05.06.90 Kalgoorlie
HARVEY Graham 05.06.90 Radio 6KG Kalgoorlie
HEPBURN Michael 05.06.90 Department of Kalgoorlie
Community Services East Country Region -Regional Director
HUDSON Ron 07.06.90 Police Sergeant Kalgoorlie
JAMIESON Arnold 07.06.90 Police Aide Kalgoorlie
JEANS Peter 05.06.90 Editor Kalgoorlie Kalgoorlie
JOHSTON David 08.06.90 Kalgoorlie-Boulder Kalgoorlie Chamber of Commerce Vice President
JONES Grace 06.06.90 Justice of the Peace Kalgoorlie
JOYCE 06.06.90 Justice of the Peace Kalgoorlie
KEALLEYian 08.06.90 Regional Kalgoorlie
for Goldfields
KENNEDY David 08.06.90 DEET Education Officer Kalgoorlie (Aboriginal Section)
KERR Billy 08.06.90 Aboriginal Education Kalgoorlie
Officer
LAFFER Jim 05.06.90 Department for Kalgoorlie
Community Service -Social Wolk Supervisor
LAMB Dick 06.06.90 Kalgoorlie College - Kalgoorlie
Director
LING Dale 06.06.90 Kurrawang Aboriginal Kalgoorlie
Community
831
LING Dale 06.06.90 Kurrawang Aboriginal Kalgoorlie
Community
LYNCH Aubrey 08.06.90 Aboriginal Affairs Kalgoorlie
Planning Authority Commission Consultant
MADDEN John 07.06.90 Parle Villa Hostel Kalgoorlie
Support Group Member
McGILLIVRAY 06.06.90 Kalgoorlie College - Kalgoorlie
Barbara student representative
McLEAN Mary 09.06.90 Community Member Kalgoorlie
McLENNAN Greg 08.06.90 Department of Sport & Kalgoorlie Recreation
MELOR Rowley 05.06.90 District Education Office Kalgoorlie (Personal Sub)
MENCSHEL YI Attila 06.06.90 Homes west Regional Kalgoorlie Manager
MORRISON Barney 08.06.90 Mt Margaret Community Kalgoorlie Member
NOONAN John 07.06.90 Eastern Goldfields Kalgoorlie
Regional Prison 1st Oass Officer & WAPOUReps
O'KEEFE Tim 06.06.90 Kalgoorlie Primary Kalgoorlie
School - Senior Assistant
OAKLEY Ross 05.06.90 Community Member Kalgoorlie
PIRES Fr Tony 07.06.90 Parle Villa Hostel Kalgoorlie
Support Group Chairman
RIDDLE James 09.06.90 Community Member Kalgoorlie
ROBERTS Colin 07.06.90 Magistrate Kalgoorlie
SAMEC Olivia 06.06.90 Primary School Teacher Kalgoorlie
SCEGHI Keith 06.06.90 Community Member Kalgoorlie
SCOTT Bobby 08.06.90 Mt Margaret Community Kalgoorlie Member
832
SHAW Nancy 09.06.90 Coonaana Community Kalgoorlie Member
SMITH Dr Anne -Marie 06.06.90 Kalgoorlie College Kalgoorlie
SMITH Dr. Peter 06.06.90 Kalgoorlie College - Kalgoorlie Head of General Studies
S1RUGNELL Peter 06.06.90 Town Oerk: Kalgoorlie
STUBBSMr 09.06.90 Community Member Kalgoorlie
STUBBS Murray 05.06.90 Aboriginal Legal Service Kalgoorlie Field Officer
STUBBS Murray 07.06.90 Aboriginal Legal Service Kalgoorlie Field Officer
SUMMERS Katherine 05.06.90 Regional Hospital - Kalgoorlie Oinical Nurse Specialist
T ARNOWY Richard 06.06.90 Boulder Primary School Kalgoorlie -Principal
TAYLOR Tun 05.06.90 Department for Kalgoorlie
Community Services Senior Divisional Officer
THOMAS Beverley 09.06.90 Nyngamia Manager Kalgoorlie
THOMAS Hazel 08.06.90 Community Member (re: Kalgoorlie Fringe Dwellers)
THOMAS Preston 09.06.90 Community Member (re: Kalgoorlie Fringe Dwellers)
THOMPSON Mark 09.06.90 Coonaana Community Kalgoorlie Member
TUCKER Leslie 08.06.90 Resourced Agency Kalgoorlie
Manager
UGLESherma 06.06.90 District Education Office Kalgoorlie - Temp. Aboriginal Liaison Officer
VAUGHAN Trish 07.06.90 Eastern Goldfields Kalgoorlie Regional Prison Education Officer
WEBB Rob 07.06.90 Police Superintendent Kalgoorlie
833
WESLEY Ben 09.06.90 Community Member Kalgoorlie
WESLEY Bill 09.06.90 Nyngamia Employee Kalgoorlie
WHITI AKER Lesley 05.06.90 Australian Broadcasting Kalgoorlie Commission
WILLIAMS Ron 07.06.90 Pastor Kalgoorlie
WILLICK Michael 08.06.90 Aboriginal & Torres Kalgoorlie Strait Islander Commission Assistant Regional Manager
WINCH COMBE 05 .06.90 General Manager flying Kalgoorlie Sydney J Doctor Service
ZAREMBA Paul 07.06.90 Police Sergeant Kalgoorlie
BROWN Tim 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Kiwikurra
C/Member/Communtiy F/man
JACKSON Michael 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Council Kiwikurra Member
LANE Edgar 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Council Kiwikurra
Member
LAWSON Andrew 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Council Kiwikurra Member
MARTINMr 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Council Kiwikurra
Member
PORTERMrT 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Council Kiwikurra Member
ROBERTS Noel 20.06.90 Ngaanyatjarra Council Kiwikurra Member
ARMSTRONG 20.07.90 Commissioner for Health Perth Bruce K Western Australia
ATKINSON David 18.07.90 Review Committee on Perth Health
AZIZElaine 06.08.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Perth
Consultative Group
834
BABAN Thomas 18.07.90 Western Australian Perth
College of Advanced Education
BEAVER Bevan E 18.07.90 Homeswest Perth
BLACK Gregory J 18.07.90 Executive Director Perth
Homeswest
BRANCH Colin D 31.07.90 A/Director General of Perth Mines
BRENNAN Michael J 01.08.90 Police Union Perth
BRINKMAN John 30.06.90 Police Aide Unit Perth
BROCKMAN Anita 30.07.90 Street Kids Perth
BROWN Sandra 18.07.90 Director of Policy Perth
Education
BUCHMAN Rodney 20.07.90 Aboriginal & Torres Perth Strait Islander Commission
BUCKRAM Joan 18.07.90 Catholic Education Perth
BULL Brian 31.07.90 Commissioner for Police Perth
CALOGEROCF 16.07.90 Alcohol & Drug Perth
Authority
CAMERON Jenny 30.07.90 Street Kids Perth
CHADBOURNE 01.08.90 Police Union Perth
Kimberley
CHOUDREE Rajesh 01.08.90 Aboriginal Legal Service Perth
CLARKE John D 31.07.90 Engineering & Perth
Environmetnal Section of Mines
CLOGHAN Daniel 06.08.90 Prison Officers Union Perth
COLLARD Dean 06.08.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Perth Consultative Group
CONLEY Damien M 17.07.90 Commonwealth Health Perth Services
835
CORBEIT 19.07.90 Department of Social Perth
Christopher E Security, Western
Australia
COUNCILLOR Cyril 30.06.90 Police Aide Unit Perth
COUZENS Eric W 01.08.90 Police Union Perth
DANNAlec 18.07.90 Catholic Education Perth
DIMERJohn 30.06.90 Police Aide Unit Perth
EGGINGTON Dennis 06.08.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Perth Consultative Group
ETHEREDGE Paul D 30.07.90 A/Director Aboriginal Perth Employment
FRENCH Stephen C 17.07.90 Manager Housing Perth
Services
FRYDavidF 17.07.90 Director Australian Perth
Government Health Services
GODDARD- 17.07.90 Commonwealth Health Perth
WILLIAMSRV Services
GRAY Dennis 18 .9.90 Review Committee on Perth
Health
GUNNING Carol 06.08.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Perth Consultative Group
HANDPeterC 17.07.90 State Manager Perth
Commonwealth Health Services
HARRISLera 30.06.90 Police Aide Unit Perth
HILL Jack 30.06.90 Police Aide Unit Perth
ISSACS Robert 18.07.90 Aboriginal Housing Perth
Board
JONESGaryV 31.07.90 Taxi Control Board Perth
Department of Transport
KELLY Rebecca 30.07.90 Street Kid Perth
KICKETT Darryl 06.08.90 Head of Aboriginal Perth
Issues Unit - RCIADIC
836
KICKETf Marian 18.07.90 Chairperson Aboriginal Perth Housing Board
KING Michael 01.08.90 Aboriginal Legal SeiVice Perth
LARKINSKP 16.07.90 Alcohol & Drug Perth
Authority
LEWIS Bill 06.08.90 Aboriginal Issues Unit Perth
Consultative Group
LITTI...E Michael 30.07.90 Street Kids Perth
MAGNUS Jim 01.08.90 Journalist Daily News Perth
MASSAM Jolm C 17.07.90 VP Council of Civl Perth
Liberties
McDONALD Donald 20.07.90 Aboriginal & Torres Perth Strait Islander Commission
MciNTYRE Greg 01.08.90 Aboriginal Legal SeiVice Perth
MEIKLE Douglas L 17.07.90 Department of Social Perth Security Appeals Tribunal
MICHAEL Theodore 06.08.90 Royal Commission Into Perth Aboriginal Deaths In Custody- Perth
MITHCELL Monty 30.06.90 Police Aide Unit Perth
MONCRIEFF 19.07.90 Department for Perth
PhillipW Community SeiVices
MONGERRE 20.07.90 Crown Law Department Perth
OLIVE Noel 01.08.90 Committee to Defend Perth
Black Rights
PEDERSON Howard 02.08.90 Commissioner's Perth Assistant Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority
PHILLIPG H 17.07.90 Commonwealth Health Perth
SeiVices
PHILLIPS Neil 30.07.90 Street Kid Perth
837
PIGGOT Anne 18.07.90 Consultant Aboriginal Perth
Education
PRIOR Athol George 30.07.90 NDirector Aboriginal Perth Education Branch
QUINN Terence A 20.07.90 Aboriginal & Torres Perth
Strait Islander Commission
RANDOLPH John 19.07.90 Aboriginal Sites Perth
Department, Western Australian Museum
RAYNOR Craig P 17.07.90 Commonwealth Health Perth Setvices
REYNOLDS Robert L 19.07.90 Aboriginal Sites Perth
Department, Western Australian Museum
RILEY Rob 01.08.90 Aboriginal Legal Setvice Perth
RILEY Rob 06.08.90 Former Head of Perth
Aboriginal Issues Unit-RCIADIC
RYAN Veronica 18.07.90 Catholic Education Perth
SANDERSON Kerry G 31.07.90 NDirector General Perth DepartmentofTransport
SEARCY Mary J 31.07.90 Christian Justice Perth
Association
SECKER Jeffrey 06.08.90 Prison Officers Union Perth
SHAWGregR 17.07.90 Commonwealth Health Perth Setvices
SIMPSON Terrence W 19.07.90 Department for Perth
Community Setvices
STEVEN Robert J 31.07.90 Executive Officer Perth
Department of Mines
STINGEMORE 01.08.90 General Secretary Police Perth Patrick J E Union
TRELOAR Mark P 20.07.90 Aboriginal & Torres Perth Strait Islander Commission
838
TYGUIN Rachel Gai 30.07.90 Director Aboriginal Perth Access Division Department of Employment & Training
VAN WHEELDON 30.07.90 Department of Perth
Nick Employment & Training
VINCENT Philip J 17.07.90 Department of Social Perth Security Appeals Tribunal
WEYGERS Peter H 17.07.90 President Council of Perth Civil Liberties
WILLIAMS Qifton 30.07.90 (Brought the Street Kids Perth into Hearing)
WILLIAMS Martina 30.07.90 Street Kids Perth
WILLIAMS Robert D 20.07.90 Aboriginal & Torres Perth Strait Islander Commission
WYATT Cedric 02.08.90 Commissioner AAP A Perth
WYATT Kenneth G 20.07.90 Aboriginal Health Snr Perth Policy Officer
JUBOYRoy 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
KILLER Gerrard 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
NAILONPaul 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
SPINK Sandy 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
WATSON Harry 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
WATSON John 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
WATSON Robert 08.08.90 Community Member Loom a
Please note that on a number of occasions, witnesses provided advice to the RCIADIC while representing different places and/or organisations : e.g. individuals recorded above may have identified as a 'community member' at one conference, and as a representative of, for instance, the
Aboriginal Legal Service, at another.
839
SUBMISSIONS TO COMMISSIONER DODSON'S COMMISSION
NUMBER NAME LOCATION STATE
bb so 601 ASHLEY, Len Figtree NSW
bb so 602 MORICH, Noel Perth WA
bbSO 603 GOODALL, Heather Sydney NSW
bbSO 604 DUGGAN, Ian Port Hedland WA
bb so 605 HOWARD, Naomi Onslow WA
bbSO 606 GRASSICK, Jean Peakhurst NSW
bb so 607 FLICK, Barbara Broome WA
bb so 608 PERTH Perth WA
TRANSCENDENTAL MEDITATION CENTRE
bbSO 610 CHRISTIAN BROTHERS Broome WA
bb so 611 TAYLOR, Benedict Perth WA
bb so 612 BARTON, David Kalbarri WA
bbSO 655 HAMMERSLEY IRON Dampier WA
bb so 657 RICHARDS, KJ Karratha WA
bb so 658 DEPARTMENT FOR Karratha WA
COMMUNITY SERVICES
bb so 659 MORAN, Kevin: Police Karratha WA
Supterintendent
bb S0660 WOODSIDE Roeboume WA
bb S0662 HARTMAN, Howard L Albany WA
bb S0664 WONTHELLA HOUSE Geraldton WA
WOMEN'S REFUGE INC
bb so 666 DEPARTMENT OF Kununurra WA
CONSERVATION AND LAND MANAGEMENT
bb so 667 BILLING, Julie Karratha WA
bb so 668 CATHOLIC CHURCH Broome WA
bb so 669 TRAVERS, Crispin Albany WA
bb so 670 RANGER, Margaret Gerald ton WA
bb so 671 GREEN, Susan Gerald ton WA
840
bbSO 672 DEPARTMENf OF Gerald ton WA
EMPLOYMENf AND TRAINING
bbSO 673 STELLA MARIS COLLEGE Gerald ton WA
bbSO 674 WILLA WAY, Nonna Gerald ton WA
bbSO 675 RYAN, Mamie Gerald ton WA
bbSO 676 KEARNEY,J A Gerald ton WA
bbSO 677 EAST CARNARVON Carnarvon WA
PRIMARY SCHOOL
bb so 678 CARNARVON EDUCATION Carnarvon WA SUPPORT CENTRE
bbSO 679 BOND, Jill H Carnarvon WA
bb so 680 DICKIE, Carlene Carnarvon WA
bb so 681 DICKIE, Carlene Carnarvon WA
bb so 682 SPIRITUAL ASSEMBLY OF Carnarvon WA THE BAHA'IS
bb so 683 ST LUKE'S UNITING Carnarvon WA
CHURCH
bbSO 684 CONFIDENTIAL Ravensthorpe WA
bbSO 685 RANGEWA Y PRIMARY Gerald ton WA
SCHOOL
bbSO 686 MINISTRY OF SPORT & Carnarvon WA
RECREATION
bbSO 687 STJOHN AMBULANCE Carnarvon WA
ASSOCIATION
bb so 688 CATHOLIC EDUCATION Geraldton WA
OFFICE
bb so 689 DEPARTMENT OF Gerald ton WA
PLANNING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
bbSO 690 DEPARTMENT OF Gerald ton WA
EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION AND TRAINING
bb so 691 PETTERSEN, Carol Albany WA
bbSO 692 O'CONNELL, Sheila Albany WA
bbSO 693 BOSTON, Chris Carnarvon WA
bb so 694 SCOTT, Karen Marie Broome WA
841
bbSO 695 JAMES, Jewess and Jimmy Wankatjunka WA Community
bb so 696 TIIOMAS, Sandy Wannun WA
bb so 697 AUSTRALIAN Surry Hills NSW
JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION
bb so 698 GREAT SOUTHERN Albany WA
REGIONAL COLLEGE
bb so 699 KICKETI, Daryl and Perth WA
HAEBICH, Anna
bb S0700 CLARK, Bryan Carnarvon WA
bb so 701 SOCIETY OF ST VINCENT Kalgoorlie WA
DEPAUL
bb so 702 COLLINS, Laney & Jim Carnarvon WA
bb so 703 ASHLEY, Bret Mary River WA
bb S0704 BROOME DISTRICT Broome WA
HOSPITAL
bb so 705 LOGAN, Elizabeth Esperance WA
bb S0706 PEAC Kalgoorlie WA
bb S0707 KALGOORLIE DISTRICT Kalgoorlie WA
EDUCATION OFFICE
bb S0708 MINISTRY OF SPORT & Kalgoorlie WA
RECREATION
bb so 709 KALGOORLIE/BOULDER Kalgoorlie WA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
bb S0710 PARK VILLA SUPPORT Kalgoorlie WA
GROUP
bb so 711 BLYTH, J Noel Kalgoorlie WA
bb so 712 KALGOORLIE COLLEGE Kalgoorlie WA
bb so 713 NUNN, Pat Perth WA
bb so 714 QUARTERMAINE, Les Serpentine WA
bb so 715 BEDFORD, Doreen Perth WA
bb S0716 REMOTE AREA Perth WA
BROADCASTING -ABC
bb so 717 HARTLEY, John Perth WA
bb so 718 ABORIGINAL MEDIA Perth WA
LIAISON GROUP
842
bb so 719 SANTEN,Ron Perth WA
bbS0720 WHEATBELT ABORIGINAL Northam WA CORPORATION
bb so 721 DEPARTMENT OF Perth WA
CONSERVATION AND LAND MANAGEMENT
bb S0722 RITTER, Paul Perth WA
bbS0723 ABORIGINAL HOUSING Perth WA
BOARD
bbS0724 SMITH, Robert Perth WA
bb S0725 CHOO, Christine Perth WA
bbS0726 NORTHAM YOUTH Northam WA
OUTREACH
bbS0727 ABORIGINAL AFFAIRS WA
PLANNING AUTHORITY
bbS0728 GOLDEN WEST NETWORK Bun bury WA LIMITED
bbS0729 SHIRE OF BROOME Broome WA
bb S0730 COMMUNITY AID ABROAD Perth WA
bb so 731 BAPTIST ABORIGINAL Waikiki WA
MINISTRIES
bbS0732 CONFIDENTIAL Nullagine WA
bb so 733 ABORIGINAL WOMEN Narrogin WA
bb so 734 MARCHANT (Br) William Broome WA
bb so 735 HAEBICH,RG Fremantle WA
bb so 736 ABORIGINAL LEGAL East Perth WA
SERVICE OF WA (INC)
bbS0737 WA POLICE UNION OF Victoria Parle WA WORKERS
bb so 738 W A PRISON OFFICERS Perth WA
UNION
bbS0739 ABORIGINAL ISSUES Perth WA
UNIT (RCIADIC)
bbS0740 ABORIGINAL LEGAL East Perth WA
SERVICE OF WA (INC)
bb so 741 BREWER STREET East Perth WA
WELFARE RIGHTS & ADVOCACY SERVICE
843
bbS0742 TOWN OF PORT HEDLAND Port Hedland WA
bbSO 743 COOMBS (Dr) H C Casuarina Nf
bb S0744 TORRES, May Broome WA
bbS0745 THE COMMI'ITEE TO Perth WA
DEFEND BLACK RIGHTS
bbS0746 NULUNGU CATHOLIC Broome WA
COLLEGE
bb S0747 CONFIDENTIAL Broome WA
bb S0748 CONFIDENTIAL Broome WA
bb S0749 CONFIDENTIAL Broome WA
844
SUBMISSIONS TO UNDERLYING ISSUES DOCUMENT, WESTERN AUSTRALIA
NUMBER NAME LOCATION STATE
6/1/UI LEGAL AID COMMISSION Perth WA
OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
6/2/UI YaGARNSHrnECOUNCa Southern WA
Cross
6/3/UI McLAREN,N De my WA
6/4/UI KELLY, Tony StLucia QLD
6/5/UI HARDWICK, Gil Perth WA
6/6/UI HUNTER, Ernest Wollstonecraft NSW
6fi/UI MINISTER ASSISTING THE Perth WA
MINISTER FOR ABORIGINAL AFFAIRS
6/8/UI BROWN, Ivan G Perth WA
6,.9/UI DEPARTMENT OF Perth WA
CORRECTIVE SERVICES -WESTERN AUSTRALIA
6/10/UI DEPARTMENT OF Perth WA
EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING
6/11/UI CITY OF FREMANTLE Perth WA
6/12/UI DEPARTMENT OF MtLawley WA
ABORIGINAL AND INTERCULTURAL STUDIES
6/13/UI LEGAL AID COMMISSION Perth WA
OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
845
INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED ON BEHALF OF RCIADIC, WESTERN AUSTRALIA
NAME DATE LOCATION
ATKINSON, Dr David 10.02.90 Broome
ATKINSON, Dr David 22.04.90 Perth
BARR, Kelvin 16.03.90 Broome
BARTON, Peter 23.03.90 Albany
BEDFORD, Eric 03.04.90 Fitzroy Crossing
BENT, Hughie 03.04.90 Fitzroy Crossing
BIN SALLER, John 15.03.90 Broome
BLACK, Balfour Sgt. 19.07.90 Perth
BOOTH, John 07.07.90 Perth
BOURKE, Karina 27.03.90 Bun bury
BRIDGE, John 15.03.90 Broome
BROADHURST, Dr Rod 01.12.89 Perth
BUCHANAN, Betsy 17.01.90 Perth
BUMBLEBEE, Roy 28.06.90 Balgo
CANTRALL, Val 22.01.90 Roeboume
CARLOGERO, Carlo 01.12.89 Perth
CECIL, John 21.03.90 Albany
CHEVIS, Hugh 22.01.90 Karra1ha
CONDON, Adrian 26.01.90 Karra1ha
COOMBS, Dr HC 21.06.90 Broome
CORNISH, Glen 14.03.90 Perth
CRAWFORD, Fran 01.02.90 Broome
DANIELS, David 23.02.90 Roeboume
DARCY, Sandra 28.04.90 Broome
DA TTON, Mark 30.04.90 Perth
DAVEY, Stan 26.06.90 Darwin
DIY ARARN-BROWN, Ceilia D 04.12.89 Adelaide
EQUITY UNIT; ABORIGINAL 15.02.90 Perth
EDUCATION PIGGOTT, Anne GREEN, Oriel (And Other Members of the Group) FERNANDEZ, Francis 02.07.90 Mulan
FORBES, Cameron 15.02.90 Broome
FLICK, Joe 06.06.90 Darwin
GILL, Andrew 23.03.90 Albany
GILL, Mathew 28.06.90 Balgo
GORDON, Palmer 02.07.90 Billiluna
GOWER, Gary 17.03.90 Broome
GOWER, Wayne 14.03.90 Broome
GRAY, Dr Dennis 10.02.90 Broome
GRAY, Dr Dennis 24.05.90 Perth
GUNNING, Carol 16.03.90 Perth
HACKEIT, Annie 26.01.90 Roe bourne
HAMPTON, Margaret 04.12.89 Adelaide
HART, Bob 12.10.89 Roeboume
846
HAY, Dr Malcolm 17.01.90 Perth
HOARE, Ronald Peter (Major) 10.05.90 Broome
HOLT, (Const) Sally 19.07.90 Perth
HOWIE, Lorna 12.10.89 Roe bourne
HUNTER, Dr Ernest 27.09.89 Derby
HUNTER, Vic 12.06.90 Beagle Bay
HURRY, Glen 06.06.90 Darwin
IMBER, Rob 06.06.90 Broome
IRVINE, Steve 01.05.90 Broome
JACOBS, Alan 23.02.90 Roeboume
JACOBS, Kenny 23.02.90 Roeboume
JAMIESON, Gail 30.04.90 Esperance
JEWELL, Trevor 01.02.90 Perth
JOHNS, Julianne 02.07.90 Mulan
KICKEIT, Marian 30.04.90 Perth
LARKIN, Kevin 01.12.89 Perth
LEACH, Claudine 22.03.90 Katanning
LEE, Bede 28.06.90 Balgo
LEE, Leo 28.06.90 Balgo
LEE, Patricia 01.06.90 Balgo
LEHMAN,Ros 16.03.90 Roe bourne
LOGAN, Betty 30.04.90 Esperance
LOGAN, Elizabeth 30.04.90 Esperance
LOWE, Pat 21.02.90 Broome
LYE, Jeffrey 30.04.90 Perth
McLAREN, Dr Niall 13.03.90 Broome
McLAREN, Dr Niall 03.10.89 Broome
McLEOD, Don 27.06.90 Kununurra
McMAHON, Fr Michael 14.03.90 Broome
McRAE, Ian 23.01.90 Robe River,
Wickam
MAGNUS, Jim 19.03.90 Perth
MAY, Angela 05.12.89 Adelaide
MEADOWS, Sally 15.03.90 Broome
MOLONE, Prof John 21.03.90 Perth
MOTTER, Joy 09.11.89 Fitzroy Crossing
MOWRY, Dr Bryan 18.01.90 Perth
MUOn, Anthony 28.06.90 Balgo
NGUNGA WOMEN'S GROUP 16.01.90 Derby
ARMSTRONG, Maxine ROBERTS, Jean (And Other Members of the Group) NJAMME 11.06.90 Balgo
NOLAN, Mark 23.07.90 Perth
PENNINGTON, Bill 09.05.90 Broome
PENNINGTON, Bill 06.06.90 Darwin
PHILPOTT, Stuart 14.05.90 Broome
PLEY, Kees 03.05.90 Broome
PUERTOLLANO, John 14.03.90 Broome
RILEY, Dean 07.05.90 Perth
RIGNALL, Mort 22.01.90 Karratha
RILEY, Kevin & Beryl 25.05.90 Perth
RILEY, Peter 23.02.90 Karratha
847
RIVERS, Noel ROE, Joseph (Snr) & Eileen SEMPLE, Brian SHADFORTH, Brian SHEPHERD, Peter SMILER, Molly SMYTH, Chris SOLOMON, Roger SOMERVILLE, Fred SPARGO, Dr Randy STIBERC, Jan STEEL, Graham STEVENS, Pastor David SULLIVAN, Helen TCHOOGA, Jimmy THACkERA, Colin TRACEY, Tony & Beverley
WALKER, Gladys WEIGHfMAN, Llyrus WEST, Dot WHISSON, Lee WILLIAMS, Gina WILLIAMS, Jackie WILSON, Graham YOOMARIE, Stephen YOUNG, Dr Warren
848
15.03.90 23.05.90 26.06.90 27.03.90 03.04.90
12.09.90 21.03.90 23.02.90 01.12.89 27.09.89 26.01.90 28.03.90 24.01.90 09.11.89
11.06.90 29.11.89 14.05.90 23.02.90 22.01.90 26.06.90 26.01.90 27.03.90 28.06.90 23.05.90 02.07.90 01.02.90
Broome Broome Kununurra Broome Fitzroy Crossing Bidyadanga Perth Roeboume Perth Derby Roeboume Canberra Roeboume Fitzroy Crossing Balgo Perth Derby Roeboume Karratha Kununurra Karratha Bun bury Balgo Perth Mulan Swan View
6/Al/R 6/A2/R
6/A3/R
6/A4/R 6/AS/R 6/A6/R 6/Bl/R
6/Cl/R 6/C2/R 6/C3/R 6/C4/R 6/CS/R 6!C6!R 6/C7/R 6/C8/R 6/El/R 6/E2/R 6/E3/R 6/E4/R
6/ES/R 6/Gl/R 6/Hl/R
6/H2/R 6/H3/R 6/H4/R 6/HS/R 6/Jl/R 6/Ll/R 6/L2/R 6/Ml/R 6/M2/R 6/P2/R 6/P3/R 6/P4/R 6/PS/R 6/Rl/R
6/Sl/R 6/S2/R 6{fl/R 6{f2/R
6{f3/R 6/Wl/R 6/Y2/R
EXHIBITS
AAPA ABORIGINAL LEGAL SERVICE OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA (INC) ABORIGINAL SPORT AND RECREATION ASSOCIATION OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA (INC)
ALCOHOL AND DRUG AUTHORITY ATSIC ABORIGINAL AFFAIRS, MINISTER FOR BUILDING MANAGEMENT AUTHORITY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA CAMPAIGN FOR PREVENTION OF CUSTODIAL DEATH COMMITTEE TO DEFEND BLACK RIGHTS CHILDREN'S COURT OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA COMMISSIONER FOR ADMINISTRATIVE INVESTIGATIONS COMMUNITY SERVICES, DEPARTMENT FOR CORRECTIVE SERVICES, DEPARTMENT OF COUNCIL FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES CROWN LAW DEPARTMENT EDUCATION OFFICE, CATHOLIC EDUCATION, MINISTRY OF EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING, DEPARTMENT OF EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION AND TRAINING, DEPARTMENT OF, EQUAL OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION GOVERNMENT HOUSE
HEALTH (ABORIGINAL HEALTH POLICY), SUB-COMMITTEE OF REVIEW HEALTH DEPARTMENT OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA HEALTH SERVICES, COMMONWEALTH HOMESWEST HOUSING BOARD, ABORIGINAL JUSTICES, ROYAL ASSOCIATION OF LAW REFORM COMMISSION OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA LOCAL DEVELOPMENT, DEPARTMENT MINES, DEPARTMENT OF MUSEUM, WESTERN AUSTRALIAN POLICE DEPARTMENT, WESTERN AUSTRALIA POLICE UNION OF WORKERS, WESTERN AUSTRALIAN PREMIER, OFFICE OF PRISON OFFICERS UNION, WESTERN AUSTRALIAN REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT & THE NORTH WEST,
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL SECURITY, APPEALS TRIBUNAL SOCIAL SECURITY, DEPARTMENT OF T AFE (Technical and Further Education) TOURISM COMMISSION TRANSPORT, DEPARTMENT OF W ACAE (Western Australian College of Advanced Education)
YOUTH LEGAL SERVICE
849
,,
APPENDIX 3
Historical Chronology
(see Chapter 2)
851
HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY
SOME OF THE MAJOR HISTORICAL EVENTS, COMMONWEALTH AND
STATE GOVERNMENT LEGISLATIVE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLICY
CHANGES RELEVANT TO ABORIGINAL ISSUES IN WESTERN
AUSTRALIA.
This list primarily refers to the State, except with regard to matters concerning
relevant Commonwealth legislation. This list is not exhaustive and needs to be
read in conjunction with Chapter 2. Its main aim is to provide an immediate
overview of the background from which this Royal Commission has emerged.
Prior to colonisation, it is significant to observe that Aboriginal people occupied
and traversed what is now known as Western Australia for at least 40,000 years.
1658 Exploration of the south-west of Western Australia by the Dutch.
1791 Exploration ofWestem Australia by the British.
1803 Exploration of Western Australia by the French.
1826 Further exploration of the south-west of Western Australia by the British.
1829 Colonisation of Western Australia by the British. Governor Stirling establishes the 'Swan River Colony'.
1830 Aboriginal 'Protectors' appointed (usually men drawn from the colonial police ranks).
1833 Yagan shot and killed near Perth, and his smoked head removed and placed on public exhibition in England.
1835 The Pinjarra massacre. Punitive exhibition led by Governor Stirling.
1840 Colonial government issues direction that Aboriginal peo ple should not be admitted to town areas.
1841 Rottnest Island Prison (for men only) established.
853
1848 New Norcia Mission, in the south-west, established.
1854 Role of 'Protectors' temporarily abolished.
1878 Busselton Mission established.
1883 Royal Commission established to inquire into the 'treatment of Aboriginal prisoners'. This was chaired by John Forrest and later became known as the 'Report of the Select Committee' or the 'Forrest Report'.
1884 Ord River Station established - first pastoral property in East Kimberley.
1885 Finding of gold at Halls Creek.
1886 The Aborigines Protection Board established, under the 'Aborigines Protection Act (1886)'. Powers of the Act enable regulation and control over entire Aboriginal population in Western Australia.
Gold Rush to Halls Creek.
1888 First recorded Massacre in East Kimberley.
1889 Section 70 introduced into the Constitution. Section provided for 1% of gross revenue to be 'appropriated to the welfare of the Aboriginal natives'.
1890 Western Australia attains self-government. British government continues to maintain control over Aboriginal affairs.
1890 Premier John Forrest attempts to repeal Section 70 of the Constitution. (The repeal of this Section remains a point of controversy today).
Beagle Bay Mission established, by the Catholic Church, in the Kimberley.
1894 Windjana Gorge Rebellion. The capture of Jandamarra, otherwise known as Pigeon in the Kimberley.
1897 Pigeon, leading others, carries out an attack on the Oscar Range Homestead in the Kimberley. Pigeon dies during the attack.
1901 Horseshoe Creek Massacre.
1904 First Royal Commission into Aboriginal conditions. Commission headed by Dr W.E. Roth from Queensland.
854
1905 Government fails to take up some of Roth's more significant findings. The Aborigines Protection Act (1905) enacted. Act legalises removal of Aboriginal children from their natural families; encourages establishment of reserves and missions; role of Protectors reintroduced; Aborigines prohibited from towns; cohabitation of Aboriginal women and non-Aboriginal men prohibited.
1906 Alfred Canning, a surveyor, appointed to lead a survey party to locate and map stock route from the southern Kimberley to Wiluna in the Gascoyne.
1908 Royal Commission to Inquire into the Treatment of Natives by the Canning Exploration Party. Commission headed by C.F. Gale. Commission findings fail to be treated seriously.
1908 The 'Lock Hospital Scheme', on Dorre and Bernier Islands, established as locations where Aboriginal women and men, believed to be suffering venereal disease, could be taken and isolated.
1910 Moola Bulla Native Settlement established in the East Kimberley.
1912 Punitive expedition in the East Kimberley, led by Sergeant Pilmer.
Violet Valley Reserve established.
1913 Carrolup Mission established in the south-west.
1914- Around 300 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men and 1918 women serve in the First World War.
1915 A.O. Neville appointed Chief Protector of Aborigines. Mistake Creek Massacre.
1918 Oosure of the hospitals on Dorre and Bernier Islands.
1921 United Aborigines Mission established at Mt Margaret in the Goldfields.
1926 Forrest River Massacre.
1927 Royal Commission, into the massacre of eleven Aboriginal people in 1927, established. Referred to as the 'Wood' Commission.
1928 Gnowerangerup Mission established in the south-west.
1933 United Aborigines Mission established at Warburton in the Goldfields.
855
1934 Royal Commission headed by H.D. Moseley established. Commission to consider 'Aboriginal problem'. Recommendations find expression in the Native Adminstration Act (1936).
1934 Sister Kate's Children's Home, located on the outskirts of Perth, established.
1936 Native Adminstration Act (1936) enacted. Extends powers of 1905 Act. Chief Protector given comprehensive control over entire Aboriginal population.
'Native Courts' established through the insertion of Section 59d. Allows no rights of appeal, and fails to recognise Aboriginal Law. Only 25 cases heard through this system.
1937 First conference, of Commonwealth and State bodies concerned with Aboriginal matters, held in Canberra.
Moore River/Mogumber Mission established in the south-west.
1938 Roelands Mission, near Collie, established by the Church of Christ.
1939 Balgo Hills Mission established by the Catholic Church in the Kimberley.
1939- Around 3,850 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men and 1945 women serve in the Second World War.
1940 F.I. Bray, succeeding A.O. Neville, is appointed Commisioner of the Department of Native Affairs.
Violet Valley people disperse to other stations when a new manager attempts to shoot one of them.
1941 Commonwealth Child Endowment payment extended to children of 'detribalised' parents.
In December 1941 with a labour shortage due to the war, Bray instructed police officers to ensure that as many Aborigines as possible were to be employed. Aborigines who refused to work were to be removed to a 'native settlement' where they would be 'disciplined' until placed in employment.
1942 In September, the Army formalised its control over Western Australian Aborigines by passing a proclamation under National Security Regulations requiring employed Aborigines over the age of 14 to be issued with a 'Military Permit'. Permits were written in either red or black, with red indicating the bearer was believed to be 'subversive', black indicating 'trustworthy'.
856
1943 Commonwealth invalid and old age pensions and maternity allowance extended to Aboriginal people holding 'Exemption' Certificates.
By August, the Anny planned to lift the restrictions it had imposed by the pennit system. Though many pastoralists objected to the controls when first imposed, some now sought to extend them. ·
1944 Natives (Citizenship Rights) Act (1944) enacted. Allows for 'citizenship rights' to Aboriginal people who could prove, among other things, that they had adopted a 'civilised life', were not suffering from leprosy or syphilis, could speak and understand English, and were 'reasonably capable of managing' their own affairs.
Commonwealth Unemployment and Sickness Benefits extended to 'detribalised natives' living in European conditions.
Wandering Mission established in the south-west.
1945 Education Department in Western Australia theoretically assumes responsibility for Aboriginal Education.
1946 First Aboriginal strike in the Pilbara.
General Farm Hands A ward includes a clause to allow for the employment of less efficient Aboriginal workers at below award wages.
Jigalong Mission established, by the Aborigines Rescue Mission (Pentecostal) in the Pilbara.
1948 A Perth Magistrate, F.E.A. Bateman, appointed to undertake of survey ofAboriginal matters.
General government support for assimilation following Bateman's recommendations.
S.G. Middleton appointed as 'Commissioner of Native Affairs'. Middleton encourages assimilationist policies and their implementation.
Education becomes compulsory for Aboriginal children between the ages of six and fourteen years.
1950 Cundelee Mission established by the Australian Aborigines Evangelical Mission in the Goldfields.
1951 Carrolup Native Settlement closed.
857
1952 United Aborigines Mission established at Fitzroy Crossing, in the Kimberley.
1953 United Aborigines Mission established at Cosmo Newberry in the Goldfields.
1954 The Native Welfare Act (1954) enacted. The Act fails to give Aboriginal people full citizenship rights, and continues to allow for the removal of children.
Aboriginal people legally allowed to enter town areas.
Commonwealth Social Services Consolidation Act (1954) also introduced. Act denies the granting of any form of pension or maternity allowance to any person who was 'more than one half Aboriginal .. .'
1955 La Grange Mission established by the Catholic Church in the Kimberley.
1955 Moola Bulla Native Settlement abandoned. Aboriginal residents re-located to Fitzroy Crossing.
1958 Report of the Gare Special Committee on Native Matters (with particular reference to adequate finance).
1959 Department of Native Welfare introduces its three stage housing programme.
1960 Aboriginal people become elegible for Commonwealth benefits, pensions and allowances on the same basis as non-Aboriginal people, unless they are considered 'nomadic' or 'primitive'.
South-west Native Mission established.
1961 Aboriginal people become entitled to vote through introduction of Section 41 of the Commonwealth Constitution. Voting not compulsory.
1963 Native Welfare Act (1963) provides for cooperation between the Department of Native Welfare and the State Housing Commission aimed at developing housing improvements for Aboriginal people.
Policy of 'transitional housing' becomes entrenched government policy.
1964 Drinking rights granted to Aboriginal people in the south-west through the repeal of Section 150 of the Licensing Act of 1911.
858
1965 Federal Pastoral Industry Award amended theoretically providing for Aboriginal people to receive the same rate of pay as non-Aborigines.
1965 Gnowangerup Agricultural School for Aboriginal boys opened.
1967 National referendum conducted. Section 127 of the Constitution repealed. Commonwealth Government given the power to legislate in relation to Aboriginal matters.
1968 Federal Pastoral Industry A ward amendment sanctioned, theoretically, allowing for 'equal wages fo r equal work' .
Home-maker service established, to provide assistance to Aboriginal families through the Department of Community Welfare.
1969 Commonwealth Government's Aboriginal Study Grant Scheme established.
1970 Commonwealth Government's Aboriginal Secondary Grant Scheme established.
1971 Housing provided in Western Australia sufficient to accommodate about 5% of Aboriginal population. Section 130, which replaced Section 150 repealed, allowing Aboriginal people throughout the State to consume alcohol.
1972 Change of Government at Federal level.
Labor government starts providing assistance to the States and Territory aimed at 'upgrading' the standard of living and education of Aborigines.
State Parliament passes legislation which abolishes the Department of Native Welfare. Functions of that Department succeeded by the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority (AAPA) (established by Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority Act 1972), the Department of Community Welfare (established by the Community Welfare Act 1972) and the State Housing Commission.
The AAPA given role to coordinate government activities in relation to Aboriginal matters, to act in advisory role to the Minister, and to administer the Aboriginal Lands Trust (ALT).
859
1972 Government introduces the Aboriginal Heritage Act (1972), giving the Western Australian Museum, through the Department of Aboriginal Sites, the responsibility to protect areas of cultural significance to Aboriginal people.
Department of Aboriginal Affairs (DAA) instituted at a Federal level.
Concept of 'self-determination' developed as policy by Federal Labor Government. No structures established to support the policy.
1973 National Aboriginal Consultative Committee (NACC) established.
The first Aboriginal Medical Service established in Western Australia. This was located in Perth.
Closing of dormitories in Kimberley Catholic Missions for Aboriginal community children.
1974 Royal Commission headed by L.C. Furnell. Brief to look into all concerns 'affecting the wellbeing of persons of Aboriginal descent in Western Australia'.
Federal Government introduces the Aboriginal Land Fund Act (1974).
1975 Liberal Government assumes power over Federal Labor Government. Constitutional crisis allowing for Liberal Government to govern Australia.
Federal Liberal Government alters 'self-determination' policy to one of 'self-management'. No structures established to support the policy.
Royal Commission into matters surrounding the trial of Baymis Ugle.
1975 The Laverton Joint Study Group established to look into an 'incident' between Aboriginal people and police in Laverton, 1974. Also known as the 'Skull Creek' incident.
Aboriginal Legal Service established in Western Australia.
860
1976 The Laverton Royal Commission established. Only two recommendations made by Commission acted on by government.
Inquiry into NACC. Recommendations to alter structure and type of representation. Establishment of Strelley Community School.
1977 National Aboriginal Conference (NAC) established as result of 1976 Inquiry.
1978 Aboriginal Housing Board established in Western Australia.
Aboriginal Child Care Agency established. Establishment of Kulkarriya Community School.
1979 Aboriginal Communities Act (1979) proclaimed, allowing certain Aboriginal communities to control community affairs.
1980 The Noonkanbah controversy. State Government overrides Heritage Act legislation, allowing for mining exploration to proceed over an area of cultural significance to the Yungngora people at Noonkanbah in the Kimlerley.
Federal Government alters the Land Fund Act (1974) to the Aboriginal Development Commission (1980).
The State's 'Children in Limbo Report', commissioned by the Department of Community Welfare, observes that Aboriginal children account for 57% of all children 'in care' Two-thirds of those children had been placed with non-Aboriginal care-givers.
Signing of agreement between Argyle Diamond Mine and the Mandangala Aboriginal Community.
Establishment ofNyoongah Aboriginal Community School.
Establishment of Christian Aboriginal Parent-Directed School at Coolgardie.
1982 Establishment of Yiyili Community School at Louisa Downs.
1983 Newly elected State Labor Government institutes the 'Aboriginal Land Inquiry', headed by Mr Paul Seaman, Q.C. Inquiry asked by Government to make 'recommendations for a scheme of legislation for land related measures for the benefit of Aboriginal people in this State'.
1984 The Aboriginal Land Inquiry submits Final Report to State Government. Inquiry's findings rejected by government.
861
1985 The National Aboriginal Conference, the only Aboriginal elected body with direct access to government, disbanded, with the promise that a new structure, to grant greater powers to Aboriginal people, will be established to replace the NAC.
State Government recommendations regarding Aboriginal land, fmd expression in the Aboriginal Land Tenure Bill (1985).
Bill defeated in Upper House and does not become legislation.
1986 First Aboriginal Commissioner, a woman, appointed to head the AAPA.
1987
Wandering Mission returned, by the Catholic Church, to members of the Southern Aboriginal Corporation.
Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody established at a National level. Also known as the 'Muirhead Commission'.
1988 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody established at a State level.
Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody produces Interim Report.
Also known as the 'Muirhead Report'.
Findings and recommendations provided to State Government also in 1988. Also known as the 'Vincent Report'.
ATSIC Bill introduced into Parliament.
1989 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody appoints Patrick Dodson as Commissioner for Western Australia to consider 'Underlying Issues'.
Aboriginal Issues Unit established, to assist the Dodson Commission. Unit headed by Rob Riley.
Nyungars establish camp at area known as the Brewery, in order to protect place of cultural significance against government insistence on development of the area.
1990 ATSIC becomes formalised, and five interim Commissioners appointed by the Minister. Department of Aboriginal Affairs and the Aboriginal Development Commission absorbed under ATSIC umbrella.
Supreme Court rules in favour of Nyungar community with regard to protection of Brewery site, taking into account the necessity to observe 'natural justice'.
862
APPENDIX 4
ALS Research Paper 4 survey form
(see Section 5.3.2)
863
DRAFT OF BLE SHEET ANQ INFORMATION FORM
R.EOO
AOORESS:STREET TOWN._ ______ .
POST. . POSTCODE._ ...
A.uGEr:__ __ _uPAlE OF __ _ .MALE/ FEMAlE
ORIGIN.·-·················-··········.towrJ commutVty I reserve I outstation I other
FAMILY TYPE: single male I single female I single parenv couple/ couple & children I extended family/ other
INCOME. TYPE: C.O.E.P./ unemployment benefit I wage I invafld pension I aged pension/ other/ supporting parenv none
SERVICE REQUIRED: criminal/ civiV family I financial/ community/other
CRIMINAL:
DETAlSOf()ffBI(E_ _________ __ ______ ·--·-·--·-··--------·--·-
cxxm: PLA.uCEr:__ __________ -·-··---·--··- ··---
COURT TYPE: supreme I district/ petty sessions I J.P.
HEARD BY: judge/ judge & jury I magistrate I 2 J.P's. I 1 J.P's.
HEARING DATE: I REMAND DATE I
COURT REPORTS REQUESTED: comm. corrections I medical! other
BAl. YIN FYES-DETAILS-------··---------·----·-······-··-·······----·-----···
IF NO· .TNE IN CUSTODY----··- ···-·--···- --···-········-···-·············-·--·- ·-·····
PLEA ENTERED: .guilty /not .guilty
OUTCOME: acquittal/ conviction/ dismissed as trivial
OUTCOME DETAILS: j:W time--- frle amcx.rt,__ _____ other -·-·-···-·········-····-prOOa!ion time amount, ....... -·······-·-··-·-commlllity service order , time __ .................. _no peralty
REFERRALS TO OTHER AGENCIES: alcohol rehab I med psych. /med general/ welfare/ soc.sec I community i other
CLOSE DATE: I I
865
APPENDIX 5
Mission Lands Report recommendations
(see Section 6.4.1)
867
d*'i'&'illTIOIS
iECOKXEID!TIOI OlE:
a> Tbat freehold land now held in trust for !borigiul purposes by lllissiou
bodies be to the incorporated Aborigiul eo.munities resident on
the land in tru&t for the use and benefit of the Aboriginal inhabitants.
bl Tbat land held. by Jli.sion bodies in lease-hold be surrendered in favour of 99 year leases STILilted to the incorporated !borigiDAl COIIIIIIUni tieS resident on the land.
c> If communities have a need for freehold land origiully purchased by 1111ssion bodies that the Govenment purchaae these lud.s on the basis of their
current value whilst d.educting the contribution 112lde by Aboriginal labour and public funds tONards their developaent.
dl Tbat the JlissiODS retain those portions of land upon which Church'15u1ldings are for 'Church purposesâ¢- 1f that is the desire of the resident
Aborigiul co .. nuty.
e> That the State and Commonwealth Governments jointly initiate and facilitate negotiations between the lllissions and the communi ties to effect these changes. The 'basis for negotiations should be the history of the lands and the Aboriginal communities thereon and the respective needs of the parties.
RECOXXEJDATIOI TWO:
That in the event of negotiations failing to provide a satisfactory settlement, undeveloped Xission lalld presently in Church control be resumed or be subject to other legal action uDder the Land .let for the purpose of Aboriginal settlement.
RECOKXEIDATIOI TD.EE:
a> That in consul tat ion w1 th the ties concerned the State and Federal
Governments sponsor ud. facilitate negotiations between the f1 ve Catholic Iilllberley eollllll.lni ties and the Bishop of Broome directed t..o effecting the transfers referred to in Recommendation one .
b> That should the Church desire compensation or a consideration by way of an interest in land this should not be made from land dedicated to Aboriginal purposes.
RECOKXEID!TIOI FO'O"R:
In pursuance of recommendation one
proposals for the five Catholic Kimberley communities referred to, which are based upon, and consistent w1 th, their recent respectively expressed needs, be pursued.
869
BALGO: The Bishop has ind.icated that he is willing to handover the shaded area ou the Balgo Bills Aboriginal mp
excludes the school buildings, bAsketball court, recreation oval, store alld. bakery. The area be retil.illed by the Church should be confined to Church
buildings to be in accord. with the co-..nity's wishes. It is therefore
that .the Bishop retain the checkered areas on the Balga Jlills
Aboriginal Co.-unity mp
UL111B01ro: The freehold. for â¢Church purposes- retained by the Biahop should be witllin the .area checkered on the Kalu:aburu mp
busine&& prelllises, the llllrket garden and other firtures. that the
eschange of land. proposed by the Church be not approYed. Any land conte11plate<1 to be grllnted. to· the Church by WilY of exchange should not be zde froa lan<1
de<1icated to Aboriginal purposes.
LA GiAJGB: It is reco111111end.ed that the Bishop retain the area checkered. on the La Grans.e Aboriginal Commni ty zp
relocation within the Church area.
BliAGLi RAY : It is reco..ended that the area checkered. on the Beagle Bay Aboriginal Couaunity map
â¢church purposesâ¢: The remaind.er of Locations 6, 5, 7, and 8 should be
tnnsferred to the Beagle Bay Aboriginal Community in trust for the use and
benefit of the Aboriginal inhabitants of Beagle Bay.
LOXBAD I I.A.: It is reco111111ended. that the area checkered on the Lombad.ina map
Aboriginal inhabitants.
RECOMXE!DATIOI FIVE:
al That a training course for CoDDUnity Advisers be established at a tertiary institution in Western Australia. This course should provide training in relevant academic llreas such as management, accounting, law llnd anthropology but also Instruct advisers in the operation of government agencies and how to best use them to the communities' advantage . Community councillors should also be encouraged to take the course as a means of enhancing self
llllnagemen t .
bl That the emplo}'lllent of mission personnel as CollllDUni ty Advisers l:le
discouraged .
870
RECOKXEIDATIOI SII:
That the Commonwealth subsidise a Chaplaincy system to provide solely religious and spiritual services; This would be conditional upon
ll A CODDUDity being at least 200 kilometres from any town.
2> The mjori ty of the CODDUDi ty requesting the ertension of the scheme to
their co_,nity.
3> The &ehe⢠ouly being available followill8 transfer of lauds frl!ely and
without charge to the as per iecollllllendation one, and be on a
temporary basis only.
RECOXXEJDATIOI SEVEI:
al That au Aboriginal laud section be established within the Department of Laud Administration to carry out the work eDBnating from the applications
processed by the Aboriginal Lands Trust and Aboriginal ... Planning
Authority and that Aboriginal in the section be assured.
bl That the selection criteria !or the of the section include
preferably legal ezperience and a -nowledge and interest in Aboriginal affairs.
cl That the section liaise and work closely with the AborigillAl Lands Trust
the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority, and the Aboriginal Sites
Departllent of the Vest Australian Xuseum.
RECOJIXEIDATIOI EIGHT
That the leases granted by the Aboriginal Lands Trust to Aboriginal ties
be fully exaDined with a view to ensuring that they provide security of tenure at least co-nsurate with that of a Crown lease issued under the Land Act .
RECOXKEIDATIOI IIIE:
!hat a pilot schellll! be established incorporating individual land tenure and individual control and operation of enterprises at a suitable, and consenting community to ascertain whether a new economic .model based upon individual tenure can be successfully adopted by Aboriginal communi ties.
RECOII!E1lD!TIOI TEl:
That a programme of educational workshops be devised to acquaint _ Aboriginals with workings of Local and benefits accruing from participation in
Local Government.
871
RECOJOIEJDATIOI' liLEVEI':
That, in consultation with the co.-unities concerned the Xinister for Defence be approached to arrange for Engineers to be made available to construct aU weather roads to Beagle Bay, Lo11badina, One Arll Point, Pantijan, Ialumburu, Balgo and OollbulgurrL
RECOlOOii'DATIOI' TYELVE:
That the Forestry Department be asked to establish trial plots of trees likely to do well in the Killberley envirol1lll!nt and to be econollically viable there. It is suggested that an area of Crown Land that appears ellinently sui table exists on the banks of the Lower Ord River ou the northwestern side of Ivauhoe station.
Here soils should be satisfactory as the area was an old agricultural sub
di visiou. It is understood that this land is idle because of iufestation by a
noxious weed but afforestation of this area llight well help the eradication sehelll!.
RECOXXEI'DAT I OJ' THIRTEEI:
That there be a review of station managemeut education, looking in particular at provision of formal agricultural courses and formal on the job trainiug on
particular properties.
RECOJOOiJDATIOI' FOunEEI:
It is recommeuded that the Fisheries Act be ameuded so that Aborigines may be perllli tted to dry-shell for lll)ther of pearl.
Although trochus is already being fished further actiou is necessary to increase the return to Aborigines, including:
a> Research being undertaken to cultivate trochus to a predator-safe stage for seeding reefs.
b> A boat being made available to safely use and extend the fishing area.
c> Other sea products being developed to maxilllise the returns fro11 the reef areas.
RECOXXEJDATIOll' FIFTEEll' :
That the following econolllic projects and others be investigated and where appropriate supported by Government !lalllely: tourism, tropical horticulture, camels, crocodile farlling, forestry, trochus shell and other marine products.
872
JEO)JOIEJDATIOI SIITEEI:
Tbat training courses for Aboriginals be sponsored by Governaeut in skills which yield higher wage returAS rather thaA in akills which â¢rely eater to basic ty needs. In the liaberley region such skills could include â¢at works,
pearl1ug, construction and plant operation.
873
APPENDIX 6
Copy of Kanparrmi community's submission
concerning 'living area excision'
(see Section 6.4.2)
875
RE1 KANPARRHI COMMUNITY (MELON HOLE)
LAN() CLAIM ON GOGO STATION
24.10 . 1990
A meeting was held on discussion of the above land claim between the following people1
Sandy Cox Dinah Cox Lizzie Cox Kogolo/Nuggett
Amy Nuggett Joy Nuggett Sandra Nuggett Ci&&ie Nuggell Helen Wv!NIIariar Melba Lenmardie
At the meeting we talked about the cJ.aim and wha t hess been happening so far.
An initial claim for. land on Gogo Station has been made sometime in 1984.
It was the idea of Sandy Cox and other members of the family who
reside at Bayulu Community, to have a family block.
Sandy said at the meeting how things have started . During that
stage EXIM, a Government body was the intjal when the claim
was put through. lie had spoken to the owner requesting some land
near Jilliyardi/Melon Hole area. EXIM's reply to the group was that the land there was not available because it was a flood prone area.
They requested that Sandy look at another area. Then again the
group decided to look at Melon Hole, a site near San Mi9uel bore.
This was selected as a good place by the family because of it's
closeness to very significant cultural ties. Nguyumpul is very
special dreaming place of the spirit child . White men have called
this place One This place is very special to our
immediate families, as we have very close connections to that
particulor place, not only for that, but for other reasons too. eg.
Our families ·have lived and hunted in thc!!t area and saw the place as being special and very import<!lnt even to th i :o; day â¢
.JJ.J..Ll.yoral l.::o "' â¢pâ¢oanl. It. i.e rt 11..-râ¢..,m i na .olacc of a
a big goanna that came to the living pool. The story of
Pangnganu is being told to alol of people today.
Jill iyardi is al5o recogt,ised as a very spec i al place to the Nugget t
family, due to the death of one o£ their family members in 1974.
Also most of the people still use this plecc as a camping and
hunting area and teach their children hunting a nd c ultural s k i l ls
and talk about the drellming <1reas.
There has been no
station was put up for selc.
to the. Jilliyar d i
Stil l no response .
877
cl <'l i m. 'l'h en t h e
-7.-
Sandy again approached the station manager. Still no action
The group had written a letter to Gogo's General Manager, Jim
Coulthard requesting land. Sandy received no response and we
believe that there was a breakdown of conwnunication between the
General Manager and the f.XIM owners. Then the station was sold. to a Mr Harry Harris and his brothers. Jim Coulthard was still at. the
station . He most probably contacted the EXJM owners about our land claim, and then got back to Sandy advising him to wait for the new
private owners to decide, again. Jim Coul-thard advised Sandy to
wait and see what the new owners thought. All along there has been
nothing solved or discussed. Sandy again contacted Ray Blackwood of the Aboriginal J.ands Trust in J
There has been no repsonse trom him.
Sandy again wrote a let tcr to Ernie Bridge and Carmen l,awrcnce in
Perth in regards to our claim.
Letters of response have been received. Advising our group to
communicate and build a good relationship with the station people and discuss our claim with them, and that the ALT will assist. Sandy approached Jim Coulthard and spoke to him about having a
IIIAAting with our group. Jim - stated to him that he was busy and
didn't have time lu have o 1110et:1.ng with 1 he grouo. Jim sug!JARtP.d
that Sandy wait and talk to the new owners the Harris brothers. In reference to ALT, Ray Blackwood, there has been a lack of
communication between him and no support given . to the group in
reference to the larul claim.
On 1/9/90 a meeting was organised by AAPA to discuss the Donald's Bore land claim with the owner Harry Harris. ht 9t00am Sandy Cox, Annette Kogolo and Robert Kogolo along with Barry Taylor - from AhPA and others fr.om Water Authority and Rob Imber from the local
Aboriginal Resource agency in Fit?.roy Crossing drove to the station to meet with Harry Harris. He was not there he was out mustering at
Ruins bore. We decided to drive out find him. He was not to be
found. So we finally drove back and sited the block at
Rore, without Harry's presence. Then we returned home.
h meeting between AAPA and other parties MWW and Water Authority had been organised for Monday 3/9/90 with the owner Harry Harris to
discuss the on the map.
Harry - said that after the discussion, he would organise with Sandy lu go out t.o t:ta ....... .....
Sandy - said that Harry did not go to the site selected ou the map.
They went half way past the bore: I pointed out the particular site
to him, he said "that there j s no road to the blockâ¢. llarry didn't
take any notice of it. He decided to drive back.
Harry to that Murray Rillabong is a suitable plQce,
That aren is okay , because it's close to community.
878
-3-
Sandy like the idea. He saw that the area was not good.
It's too close to the other community. But sandy kept this in mind.
Sandy - tal ked to his family members about his td.p out to the block
and said that Harry didn't tlllke any notice. Nor had Harry Harris an understanding of the exact site mentioned at the meeting on 3/9/90.
Sandy then took Amy, Dinah and Helen to site the area Harry had suggested. All saw that it was too close to Bayulu. Then they came
back and mentioned it to the other members of the family, to see if
that area is suitable.
This was discussed again. The other members stated that they haven't been to the site and it was very hard to decide. Everyone
decided thatt
Opti.on (1) Donald's Bore was first priority. available, if not availlllble then, If land was
Option (2) Murray Billabong - was okay and suitable thio is because the site is a bit further away from Bayulu Community and as tHis was suggested by Harry as a suitable place then theres no point arguing about it. At least we have a block to settle down. Otherwise it
will take a very long time to get land.
Harry Harris should really have discussed the site with our group and told us why Donald's Bore is
Donald's Bore if suitable was suggested by the family that it wbs an idc:al ploce it is a long way from the other community the
reason for this is that the local cou.nunity wo living in is
having a lot of problems. There i.s not enough communication between the two tribal groups and infighting is developing in the village.
We are a group of Walmajarri people, seeing ourselves as one family group, living together and supporting each other. We are scared that the other group are very strong· in bringing alcohol to Bayulu.
The old people in our family stated that they have seen communities developing and have not progressed mainly because of joint running of community businesses by different friba! groups.
We would like to set up a community for. young members of our family and have them develop it more strongly, and also teach them to develop it more strongly, and also teach them our traditional/cultural skills in our own community. We know tlu:sl our chj have- received a good educ.!ltion and have
held high employment in the community and ulhâ¢r non
Aboriginal departments. We have been very clDse living tnqether ir one section of Bayulu Community. We strongly feel that we can livE oru.l worl< tng"'thP!r as a family group.
We are very strong in disciplining our younq people when they "re dlsuoeyl.uy community nrles. Our young people are looking forward qetting a piece of land so that they duvâ¢lop it for their own
future children. We would rather see them building up their tutur
879
-4-
Tho young people see that getting a piece of land .is very important. we have seen communities developed, and most of them are having problems developing themselves because of lack of communication and support. We would like to see our children have a good nights sleep, so that they can start off with a good feeling at school,
teach them tradi.tional skills as we did from our parents, help them to live together and have a good community whero they, in turn, teach their own chjldren.
SANDY COX'S STORY
I Sandy Cox lived on Gogo Station 1950.
Since that time I was employed as a station handy man. The work I
was doing on the station was putting up feuces, tanks,
troughs, and other things eg. development of the station,
building the homestead, mainly worked closely with Stan Webb who is still employed by the station. I am now living on Bayulu Community since the development of the communjty.
I would like to be recognised by the station owners on what developments have occurred on the station during those years since J9S0/74. These are the years I worked at Gogo.
I mycolf feel. that I h.avt:' "PP.n <.ogo station as mv traditional
country. I feel that the new station owners should look at my
application for land favourably and feel that the community I can build and develop is a better uue for my family.
I have seen a lot of things developing in other plus heve
supported my local. community ;n
Bayulu Community is part of Gogo Station. This community i$ made up of two tribal language groups, Gooniyondi and Walmajarri.
Family find it difficult to cope with problems associated with this tribal situation. This is why we badly wnnt to up on our own.
We ar.e one group with Lhe same aims.
880
APPENDIX 7
Raw data on Kimberley and Pilbara regions concerning
consumer price survey on essential foods
(see Section 7.1)
881
PI..BARA
a:xrs v.a:Jf'f NJU..AG AIHSE CO.GS'ltH: MIBARG. ST LEVERS DISC YNOfFiAAW< a.wn::HBJ. 'S RBNSIMAIU( QoB.DN 510 SS MILK 1.25ka 18.78 18.50 110.S. 16.30 17.00 SS.51 ...H,61 $7.08
2_50il . $2.25 12.40 $2.55 12.13 S2.15 S2.20 $1.99
2ka $3.10 $2.20 $3.04 $2..20 $2.63 $2.83 $2.80
DRI.UPI.AIN 18ka $32.00 $24.00 $23.50
PlAtiR.CUR 2ka $2.10 $2.02 $2.89 11.28 $2.68 $2.73
11190 $1 .50 $1.78 $1.60 1 1.80 S1.SS $1.55 $1 .72
1"1'4C1!EEF 340a 13.25 13.18 $3.55 13.50 $2.88 $2.69
SOAP 5ooa $5.70 $5.10 13.49 $2.60 12.81 $2.03 $7.83
R.YSPRAY 300a $4.60 13.114 $5.51 $4.50 $4.57 $4.99 $4.24
1ka $4..20 $1 .80 $7_2g $4.10 $4.50 $5.82 $6.15 $5.27
DETBUM 500ml $3.110 $5.50 $4.25 13.115 13.68 $5_2g s2.n
SIWof'OO 375ml $4.00 $4.06 12.60 13.85 $6.59 $5.91
150a 12.25 12.28 $3.64 13.60 .$2.49 '2.26 $2.24 RCE 1ka $2.00 $1.89 $1.45 S1.62 _U.IS 13.15 10M. SAUCE IOOml 12.10 12.24 $1.67 _11.55 _$2.10 12.12 $2.09 SALT 1$!1a S1.70 $1.70 .$2.50 S1.71 _1_1 .78 $4 .18 P8'I'BI l50a S1.10 12.81 suo 12.23 . $2.25 $2.42 IJBlXJWfT 75a $4.15 $4.45 $5.81 $5.35 $4.63 $5.35 13.80 JAM 5ooa 12.&5 $1.58 $2.72 $2.30 12.110 12.19 $2.28 $1 .08 cx:Re 100a 13.50 $5.10 $2.45 sa .so $4.25 $4.44 13.16 IW
00 oc
I WEGIT I RUSTY'S .. 17,
Z50a 11 .14
UINROLA IIAEA! I'IYI C'JBEEF ISCW'
IR.YSF lAY
Uko l2'ka
l340o
lâ¢kâ¢
l5ooml ,, .. 1loa l!a tko -TOU.!Wll'.l' IIOOml 17500 PEPPER !iii; .......... l7h =BEANS Ia I BISCUIT ClfRE ;PADS E .. lnoa tKo 12i tKo i'oo;;-5ooa IOOa [liCE 500ft li'EN'Il.l1 'AIITE l375a 175 '"" l440a lli&
1.2 ...
.. ..,..
12. 1.2 12.4l II
1.2.01 11.5<1
11.2CI 14. 12.21 II.
11 . U.H 13.17
12.12 12.40 11--:H 10.11
soT! 10.7Q lUI SIT! 12 ...
...
12.15 u-:H 14.44 113-:i2
lUI so'30 12.52
12.13 14.17 12M 12.711
12 ....
.....
11.111 12.11 ....
u--:-!1'1
.ClCJI.AA $5.15 suo 1.2.1. 123.50
1111 lUI 1.2.00 14.41 15.:M 13.11
1.2 .â¢â¢ lUI IUO 12.15
12.00 12.16 u .m 12.11
11.10 12.1o 14.15 12.42
17.4: 1.2.10 113.00
1'1.35 117.55
11.25 IUS 10.35 10.30 1210
13.75 13.40 14.71 14.40
13.00 10.20
11 .tio 11.10 113.40 14.00 12.71
14.15 12.10 113.00 11.11
113.20
1103 . 1171.7t
loAi> IFX RHOl
11.10 18.10 -S10.10
12.35 â¢â¢ so
11.55 12.50
11.70 13.21 12.50 14.10
14.10 13.15
11.10 IUO 12.15 11.15 12.10
14.21
12.40 11.71 12.40 113.21
' ..
10.40 10.40
13.15
....
11.25
lt.OO
11.50
..
1500
"" 1.2.30 11.10 11 .30 II.M 12.50 li:oo
13,30 13.30 1107 10.50 S0: 5o
1111<0
12.70 soan 14.00
..,...
SOM at
It
II
11350 113.
so
â¢â¢
uan
so
"'ii:lâ¢
1.2. 13. - ..
Ill.
15:15 â¢â¢â¢
..... $8 1.1
12.3o 1:â¢.31
1.2 .10 11.71
12.00 13.00 1.2 .00
11.00
12.00 ..,_ .,.
13.00 1.2 .!10 suo
UM 15.io 11 .10 10.20
10.30 So 3D 10.30 10 00 12.20
13.30 15.00 13Jo IA.IO
10.20 10.40 12--:M 14.10 13M
uTa uâ¢o U .to
12:1o-ot.â¢o 11.10 11.70
113 .10
12.10
12.40
12.11 11 .50 13.15 13.1'
12.21 u .n
12.72 II.U 11.11 11 .41
11 .01 113.11
12.11 113.31 11.41 12.17
1101 11.43 15.70 11.74
11.21 113 .81
I' .â¢â¢
113 .01
11.81 12.15 11.14 14.12
113.44
113.54
12.2 113.21
11.14 12.25 u .n 113.11
11 .11 lUI 11.50
13 â¢â¢ 12.1t
"" 1o r.5o
fii>i 1 FX IRL
11.40 12.10 12.10
12.10 11.11 12.15 11.10
111.30
. IUD 14.15 lUI 12.30
lUI 12.15 111.11 12 .â¢â¢ 14.11 12.45
14.05 11 .70 12.05 _lUI
11.25 14.30
10.18 .. â¢.
10.21 11.45 11.51 I' .35
1.75 12.75 13.35 14.20 14.10
113 .11
s.c.â¢o
u .â¢â¢
13.!10
IFX
'11.50
s: 1.00 â¢on 1.10 POO
1.10 111 .711
'"' â¢10 â¢10 1.00 1.21 !.01 , ...
I .M
'.40 1.50
.70 1.50 1.50 ...
1.35 M
1.50
'·"'
...
1.00
......
I;IH I .70
a. to
1.11
12.00 I: II
11 .71 S:⢠..
13:10
113 .45
. . ...
IRAYUU l A
17.00 17.75 11.75
S1 20 1.2.20 12.80
12.00
125.00 124.01 123.80
15,20 11.10 "i.i'iiii 13.00
LUlil
11.75 12.55 .. -
12.00 11.70 13.45 12.15
15.00 14.70 14.50 14.15 13.15
.11.10 liM . 12.!10
Sl.ll 12.00
12.40 "'iUii 13.00 15.20
....
14.00
11,70
12.25 14.03 12.20 11 .10
1.2 .t1
113 .70
13 20 11'.40
10.:10 11 .10
10.40 si .50
11.50
12.00 10.50 S1 .00 lii:iO 12.10 10.50 12.10 ..... 12.00 13.50 10.!10 1310 13.10 15.30 12.10 ..... 14.00 . .... 12,00 12.10 10.70 10.30 12.20 l1 .0o 14.20 $5.22 ... â¢â¢ 11.70 -._.,. U .OO -u--:oo IUD 12.11 --.uo 12.31 11M 11.70 113.:10 113.!10
12.10 12.00
15.20 12.1CI 11.50 11 .00
14.50 11.15 suo 11.15
113.25 S1 .40
10.25 10.25 10.25
suo 13.20 $5.30 54.50 13.05 10.20
suo
&· â¢â¢â¢
14.50 57.34 13.35 13.55
S'l.45 11_,40
11.10 113.50
14 .00 15.10 12.10
111110 11147.17 1110.25
SQ .50 13.50 13.80 S3 55
UIO ....
'"" i.-a§ .. _ ..,
itlO .50 ..,.....
1.00 ...
APPENDIX 8
Juvenile justice and incarceration
(see Sections 10.3.1 and 10.3.3)
885
,, o.:.
8
? ... :,f
7-i7YrCid' ,_, \' .. } .!.
PERC!:NTAGE or AiL CH£LDREN' 7-L7 YEARS
WHO APPEAR COL"'RT by !)£\'1S£0N 1988/89
£cut w ... t
r.:r-.!>..-ioy 1( ",-.!>orley
't\'ett Pllbcro
<;oldhlclo Kllqoor11o Cen:ro!
Co..-try Bovlcltr
p:VISIQNI
SOURCE' : DE'P.A.RTMENT F'OR COMHUifiTY SERVICES
l
Sou'".:h 'Ne1t
..
200
18:>
12C
00 00 00
1(0
e·: ol Qeci3iOn3
60
20
;------------- - ·
Number of Court Decisions resulting in Aborigine.L & Non Aboriginal !ncarcere.tion
by uivi.s!on - 1 96e/69
Ecot w .. t l!:o.t
l
Pllt
00 00 \0
.---------------- ·
-40
00 2
c C) 0 1.. 0 JO a. c c c. · ;:::: c 20 .c < 10
SOURCE:
64
§ -- UJOR[G[l'fAL OF'FEtfOERS AS A PORT[QN or TOTAL OfFENDERS lN OUS CATEGORlES OF DlSPOSlTIONS 1QBB/B9 87
oil 7-10 o1do ro1ol _.orin, In
gppâ¢c:w\ng in c:o..st Panâ¢l
"otol -â¢annt in T.tal -looiono to Tetol Ce'-" > t t timâ¢â¢ OCS cuttoef)· priaon
c â¢,/
pEPAPTMENT FOR SERVICES
00 8
8
6
cl o.l
Je:i3icn3 ( ;;)
2
-------------------,
SECC?.E CUSTODY 1 (DCS &
I as e. of
I I :.Ll :OURT
by - 19o6/89
!AI: 'J
i':ir-.!).,-,ev
'oNe1t t.,:,:-c.'1ho:'1 ?:r:·f7t: 9c..,;lc .. -
SOUPCE: DEPARTHEI\T fâ¢J!l CC·MMIJNITY SERVICES
Cr.ct !.:·.; ':'lvr.
APPENDIX 9
Newspaper clippings: Mt Magnet, Geraldton and Mullewa
(see Section 18.5)
891
1
BI . k I· t' ac . p ,o to spark & guns r1ot ExCluSive By BIU. POWER B LACK activists and a croup of Geraldton Aborigi aes planned to have one of their people shot to spark the town·s July riot, say senior police officers. They believe the con spiracy bad inlema uonal conncc1ions and was dcsipcd 10 del iber ately embarrass AI&SU'alia. Sacrificial Had lhinp 10M to plan. Aborieincs were 10 have uacd tM llloolins as an e⢠QIIe 10 datrov a holelltlen sac:lt the town's police . Aation. . Ac:cordina to police. the ............ ..... .,. ............ . wbolc coaspirary depend-ed 011 - of the Abori&i· DCS baas shoe when JOt so Oer.idlon·s Frccma -.Hotd. The plao _. to push an Aborasine tllrou&ll the frool cloor u a sacrificial lamb. Police think the man did DOl tn- be - 10 be the manyr. But tbc wbolc conspiracy fell apan bccaUJC a uni farmed policeman. lhoacht so be off duty. what - hap. peaios a.nd aoolt poucs lioa of a sbotcun. As one ICftior policeman put it: ·uu.e IUD bad been fired it would have been --D. ⢠Flashback to last month"s events In Geraldton wnen rioters were released from police vans . (the Aboncines) ⢷a,una lo u'r 1uns, that is my opinion." A key player in the plannin& is thou&ht to be a man â¢ith connections with in· temational aaivists. His activitin arc 11ow be· i11c closclr mo11itored by police in Gcraldton. ⢠lntelli.cllce ptherin& is still 101111 on tn the town .oand officially ;wllicr ,..,. ti&hl·lippcd. a... sourcet arc talltin& (reel)· of the conspiracy be· c:a11sc the oubhc docs not 893 realise the· seriousness of th< July 2S riot and iu difturbin& intenL Police believe that l'lan· 11inc for the consptrary staned shonly after Eddie Camero11 was found ha11&ed i11 his cell at the Oeraldton lockup on July 8. Sourcet say the plans wr:--e C:\·c.n ii:'l""n -.o deLiil each rioter knowina euct⢠ly which wi11dow he or sbe â¢â¢ had 10 smash.
The ·west Australian, Perth, Monday, 26 August 1985
;..,.....,..,..
-- "' .. SouCII /llrlUtt ,_ ' · ,.... .. .,.,_ - Iller ., .. ............ ,..,.,.. ....
894
·A"ifiiaw· . urider : .:.·. ;.'.⢠: · .. :· . ·.control
.- .... - ...... ...
TU-a -- ......... _CI'Ol. Ule Mtatuer te r -Mrc:arr.- -- ·-- .......... " ...... ___ ., ⢠L p £IlL ............... u. --- .. ................. _.. .. M ...... ,_... .. , ...... - MrCut-.. ...... ..... .,.. .... , .... .,. __ ., AMI\CUMII ..... I⢠................. a. __ .. __ _ .. __ ., , â¢â¢ o.,. .. u. ⢠... ._.. _,.._ .. twn..., II&. laM ......... _.,_ â¢â¢â¢'-...... Me⢠.... -- ... ..., .,...c'l., ....... ·--- .. .... ,.,.
NO--MARrr'R. PLOT SAY ABORlGlf{ES CLAIMS that Gerald·
ton rioters planned to create a manyr by hav· inc an AboriJinal killed have been rejected fi,·e WA Aboricinal orpnisation1.
They uid tht rlaim> invented by >OUI'CCS
and -re toully fal>c . · Last Frida,· the O.il⢷
published a politt·
arecd. ltOI'\' y,;n, the .. ot on July .....
planned and on a
blad bein& shot. aiâ¢;n, ,;. OICI'\ the CSCUle tO destroy the Hotel and
the pollee rution. The ultimate 1im of the pl1n .. -.s 10 embar·
r-an Australia.
Letter
The anc,cd plan fcllapan ,.'hen a off'trcr took
a aun from a mon. Stnior polirr 10urccs sund by the The Daih· =ei,·cd ·
a lcut-r frOm fâ¢,·r AbonJi· nal aroups asktnf 1h1t the sources bt tdenuraed. that the be supponcd ,.,,h
fans or 1 full apolo') be
made 10 w ... Aboriaancs. The lntrr i⢠sianed by
Roben Euâ¢nrton. darcaor ⢠the AboraJinll Child rc A&en'1·· 0al'!1·1 <"II. head of the Centre for Abori&inal Studâ¢es . Dean Collard. direnor of Saner
K11e's Fomily and Chil· drcn Sef\·irn. Cra11 Som· mtrvillr. ClCCu1i,·r mtm· btr or the WA Abori&inal
Med11 As>O
Se"·iccs. It u)'1: -"'c at'C' â¢Titinc to tl·
our deer concern
over the Daif.⢷ News front· paJ< 1101'\' on AUJUSI 12. 1986. headlined Riotcn Ploned Dutil. by
your rcponer Bill Power. -.-.s el«ted Aboriainal representatives of lpcal
and Statc-.·ide 1roups ..... kno"'· the
claims made in that aniclc IOIIIIY fal>e .
. -That the police should be prepared 10 â¢n⢷enl â¢uch an inm:dible in
,..hich Aboririne⢠plot to ho,·e a blaek manrr shot b,· .. ·hite> is .. ·orr·yin&
cnouJh but ""e find it even more dosturbinr that a dai· ly nc-.'Spopcr should i&norc basic rules or journalism 10 print ttiou c1J.Im5 . ·
-when sueh ocnous aile· arc btinr made. it
u not enou'h ju51 to quote 'senior pollee·. only the name> of real people ⢷ill do. ·
..... nd .. ·herr .. -ere the bal·
ancin' quotes from Gcr· aldton ' s ... bori&inal
lc1dcrs':' "Was the reponcr afr-aid ·cxclusi"c· â¢â¢ould be rc· vealed for .. ·hat it was. a
nonsense'! -In our vif:¥.· thr story â¢"'.s jutt another eumple or thâ¢t infamous pehcr pnc
t icc of ·,·erbalhnf- mak· inc unsubstan11a1rd claim5 :and or. in
thll cue. the to be·
lievc 1n thr1r honesty.
Bloodbath -Two clements of the sto rv convtnet us that it -. ....
mercl)' an ancmpt 10 rc· store damaJed' rcpu
tauons â¢n tht to .. ·n and di .. ven the CTiliC'II spotli&hl from poliec on to Ger-ald· ton Aboririncs.
-The first .. ·as the cloim thll only food pohcc work pre"cntcd " :h a t v.-as
planned 10 bt a bloodbath. "The occond ..... ,o tr)'
and apin prese-nt Aborit.⢷ nes as crecdily chuin& bit aovcmment handouu. -wt (eel it IS now your
duty as a nrv."\papc-r to ei· thcr make the stond
up with oome verifiable fans or issue 1n eQually ; prominent ooolocr to · Wrsttrn Ausual i a"s '
Abon1ines."
895
Push on for a riot ·squad
By BIU. POWER
POLICE mandinl! a special JOO·man 1quad to c:ombat riocine
Aboriainc1.
Tlot Union said
th â¢â¢â¢ad b⢠no.-a to anr arra ⢠htrf' Aboriainn â¢l'rt c-.usin& untnt. Thr "'liC'f Iff lhis as â¢n f'nf'C1ht' prolf'('fion (or Offi«n ⢠ho att' In from b,..⢷linc Aboriainn. Continuod Pâ¢!l⢠2
Demand for .. i=·==== flt('ted the ancer of poliee ,..ho have to deal wilh riot· The fomution of the in& Abori&incs .
⢠I" rum t>.age 1
number of pollee in kno,.., Mr Stinacmorc uid the trouble spots to bt doubled eould bt formed
immediately. quâ¢ckly from the I 7 S rt·
While the riot squad is be· (Tuiu " 'ho ,arc 100n to!:'·'· inJ formed. off'ta:en worl· out of the Maylands r ,, ina in thC'SC' to-.-ns Aadem.y. Tt., '!\''''''""
be aranled double ulancs. He u 1d n. \ ,,,,,,
the union. squ1d would '
This mom inc union Itt· sh1fts. _). ' ·
â¢
Daily News 9/111985
APPENDIX 10
Newspaper clippings: 'Aboriginal gangs terrorise suburbs'
(see Section 18.5)
897
I olice declare war on By HELEN WINTERTON :.no TOHY IAAAASS POLICE >fMI 1ht 5101< Go.,.m n,cn t w;r on ''" C oil \\4 ' , m th l '
VICTIM. The aamaged four-wheei-
StH: lolld lc&J: IIILIOft 10 l ft ( t'Qi( \1\( I)C:nt lty for "'"'"'"onw:d IlK o f 1 "ctuclt would bnrtl 11 tnto li ne ⢠111'1
Cit """"'" The: lqâ¢stAi uon '"' U not CIQ h ⢠ltl'l fully â¢U pro ·
rocut'd bca ... it 1.1\( 0 ppo,1110ft·
domâ¢niiCd Council
l'l: fuloe'd to ... Bâ¢ll 10 be re â¢n·
IUI !td 10 II'IC rtOLit:t ptprr. 11 1'110 to
bt rt ቢn LrOduct'd .,nLtTG.I 't .
⢠Tl11 1 II f't1 001"1tC 10 Lh t wtdcty htld .,.,,. 1 1'111 ., s.c , or
W 1 CS .
She "'d Ll'l t Go .. ( r nmcnt .a ho
10 lt'll ' l.a \c to rcm o .. c n:slnt·
â¢â¢ons on 1/'lt \Cn tcna11 1 pow<"n of
Cluldrtn ·s Coun tnq.tl tntes en dul '"1 .., ,,.. rtpc.a r oiTc-nocn. The cruk eloâ¢n o n JU" tn ll t
orfcndcn fo ll oâ¢l mort flâ¢&l'l · lpcCCI , ., .. n.c"
s. u,. Clohcu.,. }7 . of Couu toc . ⢠U l.li.tn 10 II OI Pt U I I SLO lt n
Lcâ¢ccn c o lllel cd w⢠th her
"' "'⢠c it 1n Swanboume. Pohcr spone(l Lh c uolcn Ltâ¢tcn .a ltolt n Po/"kl'lt ' " SL Q \l tnun
A¥tft\IC, O .a;tt mOtll. 11 II JJ pm When the: Pol"kl'lt t 11 med â¢nto 1
lldt ron u n11 cd 10 fo llow
Ll'lt unul tl'l t )" lOll lt &J'I I of H
btl'lâ¢nd the Swanbo\lmt ⢠More page 2: ed ltonal page 10
899
The West Australian Perth, Thursday , 1 7 M ay 1990
EST A8LISHEO 1 1JJ PERTH WEONESC , 28 199() 168 PAGES SOc ·
Aboriginal gangs suburbs
·\RORIGINAL aanas ⢠·tth mrmtw:n as )"'Uftl 11 tcven arr Baytwtltr mtdtnts
and pr')liC't ftar the sit uauon '' f('llâ¢nl out of conltol. W ,,._ f'X1al '"""""' ftSI"f tfl thit
.Htl f'W'ht"f' hl"t I bo1
or arâ¢tJnâ¢"' '" '" tl'lfwt 10 ldtflufâ¢
Lfl ... 'cadtn.. .
l .ronl hntclw"- â¢ho "''"' """'Of fW'OI IC"r "mcrn 1f'd Aauâ¢attt ctly
C' ""llttlkoon ... " .... (" thf'tllâ¢
t"Rnl tO 11\t ""''"" .... ,..., .,..
if the P"'CS ...,. MCIOfd
T '-' Ni"' 1tw ''" has
'"'' ('fl "'' â¢hftâ¢t )0
'"""'"'"" â¢iwl n'Mtl⢠... lly diM. . ..,. ,, I""'M'"'"" tfld \tnl ......... ..., -- "-"tOfiC' â¢ilot'l ''"" '"' uafWI ' " ,...,.,, 11 1'\.Uufttod.
ly HElEN WINTERTON
IPJit fH â¢tfldtlw t'ftllfltfllt hftwK twnt-oft⢠In lhf' "'0"1 V ftMit
'"'''M"t "'' t<"H..r*' ""''t "l('tftMSI}· â¢ttauht"d h)' I llfll t'l( \1 ⢠hrow
.,nil('( INi ttw tltll(' â¢
â¢C'n )'tllcrda, accu\td 1d11lt
.\ frwwtst"" of ,.,.... .. ,, .. ,, châ¢\d rurttt
·=
(llid -Sâ¢CI I. H1n,. "â¢'(horovltl utd tht Abrtnaâ¢ftC"' "''"It'd ttl c*c'., tht '-â¢
·1 do,.·c liâ¢c DtCitfll 0111 thc
"'hot"'"'"" hut llrlq- '"' ""''"" th( '"' '"'' he utd
·â¢n â¢t C'l" ds ,, tht ..,.. MM'ftt.oA .,.hi'c' the' llidt ""' tfw alld 1'11rnfftt'd frcuu dtw '
fttft,..,s t n tht C"t''Uf11 11\n that 100-"'ctf he Ytd nf I typt('ll â¢â¢th Utd
'' " "" ttl lht C"ovns t t'l dfottdt
fr\.lf'Oitflt IO lhtftl at\lllllt kf-c
... 'â¢tlltfll tht .. Wf'l(' lklri'W1'111t
aM '"''t""(tird te nuw: "''"" to ,....
. ... , ftt'l4 l""ft.. ⢠he uid. ·Thnt
prnf'lt lf't" trlltfll ,_.., w t th lMYr
"'"'*" htnu'IIC tllr't ur "'-⢠'ocllf'd . n tht lfl hi\ hottlir ...... IO 11011 1M lhtfta.
⢠,UWMIII l-et tar lhrft a.Julll ,,.., Ill
y"Ck"f the' ⢠ol 10 roo- '"'"
the' hNtk IN'It' â¢l'ltl the' aduits ct â¢â¢M
900
P"' "IJr"IIOft tcfUnt Ta,trl'll tlli!
·wr tw"'fllt ofllt t'l"''''"'-o'd . ,,,. "'C'Mt-.rf y..J hr\'oi'W' I
thfft t.Mtlrt Gf ttnttft fnddc'! '" "''' loâ¢â¢"C Jftcr of
,,..hut! r-""· Au t what caft wot do' "'"' 11'd thrflt The' tl⢷
Arn!U"¥ t!W kwh'"' unckr thor arr of tfll .,, rohh(od o"' "'o"tt'" Ul. tM t.⢠t he-y '"" ii'WH â¢t"tCJII""' · ⢠..,._ ti'HC't uok 1 un alld I
-.Nt fnt thtu ⢠th!r Mtlk '"' "'tJ
Mr "-"nofl uld ,.., ·Tht"y ""'le-d ""' '" 1 w
ln& Wftil wfwfl I tnn:l IO fttl ,.,., ... lied uun tht: 11\d tht>
ht"'H;"::.; lltn hftoft r:bbrd lhc 1111 - tl .-,, 1"11 Qu td .
â¢"*' ""1lt' by a rrouo or'" lftft&C⢠;'._.td let't'f'trt of af'CMhrf ca .-cu⢠tft I rrs who llltlltd lht â¢â¢"dows wnh 1hr ,.,.., dtd ... ,."' In
tll"'f '"'0 tht ""'" har aAd 1rlt'd to tlllld t'"tOfft('" """' (lH'I\Imn I (tthl thr, -tfll .wrou
ttlt ,,. lfld t'alft(' had ....... t iOftn
aACI .1 ,._. Ttw:, tmuhed lfo:l'ft (rOftt
e MOfe reJ)O,l. Pâ¢9⢠2; AltiOf\, pegoe 10
DAILY NEWS Penh. WA. Thursday. May 17. 1990 Pnce 4(\c" ilolll l ll(c;.oo llll ... Phone 427 1400 THE CHASE
IS ov· ER "'9"'- ⢠oa,;y ... â¢â¢â¢"' â¢â¢· oaneftCed lint IN
oohca lace at,..oal . .... ,., "'OI'tt
ChaSM"tq JOYnd+fw;i t*I'I'â¢I'M .. S wt IIO· ... '""· , .. , ... , ... . .. .. ..
" ' 0"" of tM IOVQPI po*c⢠crack· dOwl'l Oft l"""erwla C""" a .
⢠tOT want o" palro4 ⢠â¢1 1'1 tl'la e llta 1t 0o"'1100t1. 1 â¢q\olad of â¢â¢oanenc:acl oflteara af\d da tact .. a a '"""⢠ttsooN:t only 10 "'â¢tor c,_. â¢"cl car cl'laaeâ¢. The ollâ¢c eu ⢠rm acs ""* ⢠â¢â¢ r bwllal - prool ...... . ⢠ANO it â¢â¢â¢""! IO"O before the â¢â¢â¢ '""ohâ¢od 1" 1 choâ¢â¢ jvva· "'lOt IOOd tiWOUOf\ Goar..lla tnd Llft910td in o ,ord LTC ta· 11â¢"· Two â¢â¢â¢"-9'" woro caugP\t â¢"â¢" tho 9'"9 atundonod lha car '"" otl'laâ¢â¢ wero '"''' â¢d l'lovrt t⢠tor. WE SA'f' : Paoa I .
901
10 THE WEST AUSTRALIAN THURSDAY MAY 17 1990
PERTti' 'l'HURSDAY MAY 17 1990
Gloves off for ⢠⢠â¢
VICIOUS Crime THE community is crying out for a solution to the problem of juvenile crime, especially violent premeditated attacks on
innocent victims in the so-called sanctity of their homes. There should be no soft options for the perpetrators of incidents in which a young woman and her neighbours -were terrorised with golf clubs and baseball bats and police were attacked with wheel braces and screwdrivers and had their cars rammed during high-speed chases.
These and many other appalling offences. in which car thefts figure all too prominently, have given added urgency to the
momentum with the release of
Government and Opposition proposals for improving the juvenile justice system. Unfortunatelv, there is no consensus on the best ways of tackling what is plainly one of the most complex and challenging
tasks facing government and the
community. Many people say offenders are treated too leniently. Others argue that only a small number of juveniles. are hard-core otTcnders and that tougher
penalties arc not the answer. Finding a balance between preventive measures and harsher punishment. while ensuring that the interests of innocent
victims arc protected. demands a united effon by the community. parents. suppon groups government. The best starting point is in the home where parental control must play a more important part in deterring young people from crime . On that score. the call by a s<."nior :\boriginal community member for cldt:rs to take more responsibility for
the ir youngstas is welcome. EtTect i,·e social and economic measures arc needed to deal with the causes of crime. At the: minor end of the scale. the
pl a n for · a formal police cautioning designed to keep trivial offenders
out of court is sens ible. Bu t tighter bail provisions for repeat offenders arc overdue. And the most co mpell ing nc:ed is to ensure that
otTcnders ac tuallv serve sentences in line with thOSe Imposed by the COUrtS.
902
·-
DAILY· NEWS 'TODoY'SWIATtllll 1111, lu: ·JSl Perth, WA, Wednesday, May 16, 1990. Phone "427 1400 . BACK COMES. ',;lHE . .⢠.. ·.. . ·BODGIE SQUAD
903
ly 11U. I'OWIR ... .IOHN .... TLEY
H ARD-LINE !Hilke pa lrols are lo lake lo lhe IIIHII In a IOUIIh ne,.· bid Ill cui junnile rrlme.
Police dcpu1y commiuionrr
Police to hit street kids
frank Zlntlli t.aid Aft)' juvcniftS Mr l .lfk.'lll .. w tw 1M.M Clh' allu ..,R tolna
searched. ''11'-:u· â¢â¢II k ltU Uuhufts: · ht Mi.J
lk hhM\1 the' ICIIIom 1(,1 lh'" aii&.J hiJit S4t-.ach. â¢lliM:h ⢷en· tua.·nâ¢fwllft comN1· ll'ljlltUftilc CflftM: Ill the- tâ¢6()l .... anary .,., Z1ntt11 uul all ,,.,..,," ul JU"'fUk'1 WOtlld l:lc llflf'ICf Jfltf lâ¢u
whâ¢dllllan lft'n 1 â¢uâ¢ll·
aft krrontH . .Wft IMslwd ⢠·ftlll IC)If dlflM. IIIV"*'h⢠. .tuccns or tKtll·inâ¢
... I â¢VfWY⢠Mlt1) ,,. 1 a&Gk⢠nr i111tNtr.' Tile nlfftlftYnll) â¢as .tl th,·
" lftq â¢â¢II bt: plan" ... Me 1 .... l'UYfll
:.:: :cr:: .·: :
·· 1 IIIII IIMM 1111 .. 1111 Jih\H11II lfk· lrl \ 1.11
it\1111) l"m â¢al&.1111 or &tnna⢠aft.llhal "â¢h
·â¢"Jhol\o.' â¢filo â¢rr ''""al 111 nllftOfll)
l'lhllllo P'!ttlm1 1h<.:u o-·a btlr·
td aft\1 ''"'' ..,.,..,,.
e CeRttAue4 Pee⢠16
60 MINUTES OF TERROR â¢oman ..-u
rtrrorised for almost an huur by a croup of Abori1inal uurhs â¢bo rhrnrtntd ro rape
:and kill btr in Balarra early tuday. '\he bfitf'·ft tM ⢠·oukl Uvt . ::k\ol tltc , _,,,., â¢fMâ¢J,hOoul"' h ad ::vt ruvwd 10 t.cf ald.
.. ...,. â¢â¢ w W""ttc-d tt.c aâ¢
.. ,_., -f Uflll CH'I lh(
:n..otrâ¢r. Mill "- ftN W .... ..,., Whf1t.
- .............. :cr ··- ,... bt
Club-wielding gang attacks young woman
_. ....., I h au
..... "" ........ 'n o\MIIItNl ...Wâ¢â¢I ,..,a......,._ ⢠.,. ilwf ,.,., ... "" &a.. ,.._ :.-. â¢a&M""'&I⢠- ...... ....a: .. ...., ...... &1111 ... ........ . ..... . _, .... !WW.,...,.. ·"·â¢ :-., ,.,... .... ...
IIIU't'C ... &A4 dltuiCft""d ⢠-.. a:.UIIC'!raâ¢â¢Walllll h II "'ttiJilc lk .... ........ ................. ..O' I i ... t It Mapc T.,..., â¢â¢ Mch·· ....... Pftl of' .41Mnpea ,... wlln.n lti.KkcG 1 wevnt)' ,...al"i â¢u" tolf dwbt.. ................. U.. ..... :l .... ..... ..... ............... "' ol "'=' ...wy.., lkta. .. ..,.. .................. ... ...,.fliWGI'IOwaktwr ........... ""' ..... ........ ... - · .......... 11\H\0 â¢â¢u-t"SttU'aMt:'" ,_. .. .. ....,.,.. ...... --t......I&C' __ ..__
...... ..,..... ........
......
-t4c ... U"f"AIW ...
....... * ............ ........................ &e Uw ,..._.Mall tlltt ... .... .... __ ... ...... ....
-·,... ... ,.... .. ...
""'"' ......... '011 Coo . ._, ... .
. .. C'f ... ... .....
l..all "'"'' tJw ,..,,Jilt .,.. ,. .... u, U'Wd .. ftU.I ... ... -.....
"1( ... ___ ⢠.,.,,.., ____ .............
uarttll scrnâ¢â¢â¢l fer DIOwl 6lftOid Ofll ""'"' DICil
--- ⢠.,, :eu01 IN'OuQI'\ tne :>eo"oom ""#::"'..,..,.I â¢Qml" â¢It tttrOfâ¢ltC , BIIC-Ina lUI "10"1
904
r-------------------------------Tlw,_,llt .......... := WOf'ft&fllâ¢bcMlt ..... ift. "'"'''«'fWd ,. ,... liWt Scream a ..... u,.t '"I ''\â¢II her. "'.: .... bftvr w .. , aM lwr "ut r,.,.. [ ;ut ,\",.h. "uril aiNol 1tw r .. "M"'' ,,.. ....... lhc .l'ft'l â¢â¢â¢ ,." \0 -otN.a ·, aMI '""' ann lilt '"" ... ... ...... ... lft&H .... *" ct' ... Touy M hu "--t '" wwtu IC'I'OU .,. Nrt. Whn S..1 IMDI'C'd ;._. o! .. '! unnf â¢â¢â¢ C'1l.alftl c1wâ¢-cklâ¢"l row'" â¢llln ""'"""' .. ·- ""' ..... .,_ ⢠fWf nr. Petrified III('C ''"".S. -"M'ftafl ,. .. 'Y i wW\,1 :o IACH .... 't lltii'U : 11 ...... , .... tl Ofl , ,.,. """'""'"""'' l.IAIJttlalloOt .... .,,,,.,"d,""' '' ·"'''"'"' rii AJ'"â¢"'C""h :n ""'"' ....... "' :o """ '0 · 11'2011'"" .. ....., """"'''" ,, tfl( /ft\"A ll'l,.·r.: ti'I(⢠,.W'ollll â¢â¢' ' ' ' " ., .... ., , .... , ... _,, The Daily Nevvs
Perth, Tuesday, 15 May 19?.0
APPENDIX 11
Newspaper clippings: Contrasting views of non-Aboriginal
youth as conveyed in the media
(see Section 18.5)
905
Gang .··-J' tGrri ·· S, train· ⢠RALW(
1nto .. 1 5 J . . . .. .. . . BY HElEN . WINTERTON .. A ·{RAIN . ride . to Freman!le turned into a terror tnp for passensen and a train &uard. A wild rna of SO youths too over the tram and terrorised · occupants with claans and abusive ncuage. Too scared to move. the 20 passencers watched helplessly as the youths llunc out of wmdows and threatened to . bash an ofT4uty pohce officer who had tned to step in. The youtlu went on a rampage, sprayin' car nages wtth craffiu and . thre:nenm& to throw ofT I anyone who interfered ; They shouted at the. cuard who tried on . -:aon to stop them wnton& obscene lan guage and anti-Westrail sluga:lS on doors wtndo"·s and 14-.alls. · The Australian Rail- ' woys· Union, which released information yesterday Monday afternoons oncident says it fears that san& may strike again. The .union called on Westraol to employ more secunty officers to patrol suburban rail scrvu:es.
PasSen&e" sat in fear as youths spilled into the city station from
variOUS suburbs to catch a train to the JUrraltatta station for the funeral of an 18-year-old grafliti
artiSL Chantin& slogans and harassin& waoung pas scncers. the youths follcu
the two carriages of the FmnantJe-bound train. The cane chanted â¢Transperth are
murderen· and painted the c:atria&eS with simi· lar sloPM. Westrail staff believe
the youths' behaviour was in reUlliatinn for the death of known gr:>tfoti artist Havden Samuel
\(jrby. wtio jumped on front of a traon near the eassendean station last TbundaY night.
The incident hap pened 45 minutes after ' he had been questioned I by Wesuail security staff
over damace to an inter state tr:>in. U niun tary Peter saic
more securil'-' was
needed on â¢tf the kods can ;;co
3'""3' with takinl. o,·er a ua&n and .. 1t
vou wonder what
else arc opablc .of
doing.- he said. -As soon as th< train was out ,,f the city .
station went wild. ;
Th..:r..: ''as 1
f'lh.' 110 trcun "''u1IJ \
..;. . !
\\ th1..· , , ,ut i\ ' \
a
C' :J if" : ... :.. : :⢠â¢il
11 " . 1
the traon . the; â¢â¢ II .J:
1
. SublilCO stJtion and scanered. A Wcstrai\ said last thll th ' :i i tuation h;Jd hcl..'n undl' r surv.:1 11am:..: . bu t no 1mmcd i:ll'-' a<.: tio n h..:'..: n ta.h ' l' : .. \ L ,,..,,n
APPENDIX 12
Newspaper clippings: After the funeral of Edward Cameron
(see Section 18.6)
909
The West Australian 26/7/1988
A young man acknowleoges l!>e televosoon cameras in. !he centre of GeraiOton last nighl Picture: RON CTRA INE · · :
jail · death· funerij_ l· .R Poloce "'torong mcts Jnd batons l
II took them .:about two hours to ddusc the sâ¢tuat â¢o n Jnd aim was restored on l:-o .:a fl er they cut throu&,h rt"d upc Jnd re le.ucd SIX pe-ople on
bJII .
Supt A.dnan 8.1mcs \i ld the .:ar· rested "boncâ¢nes faced charccs conduct to
He Slid po lle e reanforccments wou ld rcma1n '" 1n cue
of more trouble.
Const.:ablc !\.1 1c k Lc vennc.:e , who th t a rly releues Wllh Mr
Lted h..:am Clmcron . f.:athcr of Ed· ,..·..:ard (Jmcron. \.l id 11 was, the on ly wa y to orctcr .
·vou c..:an ai .. repl ace broken
gl..:au.- he 1.31\l
Urher â¢n th e d .:a y, Abon&Jnes \.iild they were pl.:ann 1n1 to on
Ptnh's pollee hc.:adquaners to pro IC'St lt the h.:and il nc of th..: tntemal poiiC"C 1nvest L gJt 10 n 1nto C.:amcron· s death.
Bu t 11 wu 1 stonny when the dc leptlon cmCTJC'd near ly 1n hour the Abon1,1nn s.a â¢d
the y hid not bttn ctven i fair be:Jrâ¢
'"'" Mr (Jmeron n id only one of the 1r 1-' demands had been met
An dck&,J 11on heldC'd ._ He. s.l.ld LbG. Mi.nis ten told hun
by M r leoc:dtum C.:amcro n stormed · the y no power to orde r lhc into Gcr.:a ld ton ' s SGIO bulid 1n1 Pollet Comm1ss1oner . Mr Bu ll . to while 2 St.3te ClbLnct me-c 11 n1 wa.s hd 1 C (
In Jnd a hst of de· nspcctor oustns rom
mands to three .⢷ told the protnter\
. oui.J'ide-l.he bu ild in& what had h.ap-
. h .â¢s undcntood one o( th e dc lc-p- pc:ned and s.a.rd : ⢠If the Government tton s pnnctp.al demJ.nds WlS the. ca n ' t-: coot rot Bull wc'll to
wuhdn .. ·ii l or Inspector En c Cous.-- much.oa Bull- ' -
lOS.. who IS hCldln& th e Interna l In⢠vewpuon. Ta lks were htld bc- tw t"C n th e de le PIIOn. tht for Abon &.J n.ll
AO'a tn. Bnd cc . th e ..... ttorncy·
GrMnl . . \1r B .. ·nnson . the Po hcc Mlnllttr. Jnd 1hc Pre ·
m1cr. Do.,.Cl â¢n&.
:The was &J"r'C t.cd wnh
chccn. : and thtre u now a stron.a poss1b li1ty that Abooc1n cs from th rouc,hout th e and G.:a s·
coyne wdl march on the Eut Penh pallet hudquancn...
⢠Fune,..l, more reports, page 7 .
911
APPENDIX 13
Newspaper clippings: The Kimberley Echo
(see Section 18.6)
913
The Kimberley Echo 1/6/1985
MILLIONS WASTE 10N ABO. GROUPS ? ⢠lloth the National and Aborip-.al Oevelopcnenl Commiuion 1re under innelir;otion for the mi1ute of lundl lâ¢râ¢cticlllly thrown at them by tlw Fctlerat Govemmrnl. It Is ollt90d thot little II ony of lht moo1ey c-enttd to the groups ever got to tht tru⢠tribol tborlglnos lor whom It Wtl in..,ndod. A spokesmen lor tht N .A.C. sold ........ got 10 mum money so quickly- did no know whot to do with It''. Tht Cht lrm., ⢠Mr . R. Alley of the N .A .C . seld 11 he hid cut oH funding ht would lpprokh Ruult or China for fundi. S.. Footnot⢠Mr Chtrln Perkins who wa · tho Chtlm1an of lht A.D.C. undl he blc.,. ldvlsor to Primo Mlnlstor Htwkt w11 undtr ln-tiiJitlon for tht tlleptd misult ⢠of olrilno dcktll for tboriglntl womon. Tho A.D.C. wa still undtr ln-tlgttlon Into lht ollegod mlu u⢠of funds. Footnote I The Amerl,., C.I.A. ond A.S.I. 0. hwt cloimed for 10me time thot Ruâ¢l⢠hod ,_, dronnollin1 fundi Into tfte """'Y mon
APPENDIX 14
Newspaper clippings: Identifying Aboriginality
(see Section 18.8)
917
616
-·
POLICE NAME VIOLENT BOY By l"otie⢠n-Mr BILl I'()W(R THE ern loday and pholnRrarlh nf lhr vnulh ,.-Jtn hrnkt 0111 n( (,.On£mOrt dt'lt'nlinn rrnlrr IIC' Jcrrmy J:1mC'< I nne<. I r.. who W:l<
920
THE WEST AUSTRALIAN SATURDAY JULY 14 1990 7 ·
Lawrence criticises police move PREMIER Cannen Lawrence has crit
icised police for identifyinc a youth who smashed hts way out of Long more remand centre on Monday.
Dr Lawrence said she was dismayed by a police decision to release the name and photosraph of the 16-year-old in a bid to wom the public. She said the
police had to justify their actions.
She said the Government would introduce lecisl:nion so police would not be breaking the law when identifving a 4-:rimin:sl in the intcl't'Sts of public Safety .
Puhtl: would nUl comment ' 'csterd;l\ . but Police Commtssioner Fr.uik
ancni accepted \!arhcr
this Wffk for identtfytnc the estaP
"ud as tht couns. The Pl'
)uppont:d the release. ha'"ing no
pnor L:nowlc..-dgc of police intentions. Dr La wn:nce sa id the communit\ focused 100 he;a \·ily on j u venile crime. · -wt ha ve- to ma ke su rf! that va u nt.
people art" proh.."\.'H:d fro m undue: Public: she- s.a id. ..:rc: dc:,·dopin& an
attitude in this state which is verging on
But C it i zen' C rt m c-
prl.') ldcn t Bo b Taylor sup
;>ortc:d the po li.:e sa ying i t
and concerns
,; lloliil tl'h.' \\' 1.' !'(" UOJ li Si ilicd .
By EUGENIE REID and HELEN WINTERTON
"The sufTenn1 of the &eneral commu nity is than the consequences for
one vic tim.· he said. - The public is fed up with judicial and political inaction on crime and is prepared to aive police d iscretionary
The WA Polic.: Union also hit back yesterday at Penh criminal la-.·yer ard Uttin' who had earlier criticised the namang ol the youth.
t n1un s.cnc-r.::r.l secretary Rae Stinet· more SOlid Mr Uttinc appeared to be c:urying out :1 penonal campaicn of vili fic:lllon of the w"' policr fortt.
-That a correct decision v.-as mack is nut only e"·idenccd by the early arrest of the escapee bu t has also port from the Auorncy·Gtneral. the
Mintstcr for Po li..:e . newspaper and the: ec-nc-r:ll f')ubhc .- ht sa.id . -we wi th · interest that neiahcr
the La,.,· Soc iet,· of WA nor the Bar Association uf \\' l. ha,·e sought 10 vi lify the police in the Mr ljnin& has. M
Mr Stin&emorc said he belie,·ed Mr U uing was seeking to create a â¢ulf
bet wee n the police and the communlly. Catholic Social Justice Commission chairman Mike Cole criaicised lhe police de<:ision . and said . t he J r.oup
bdieved the pohcc and Poltee M1n1ster :1dm it lhc:y made 3 m istake.
ISSUt isn' t whether the police
had â¢ood intenuons. no doubt they did. th e iSsue ts whether the poli ce 3n: :above th l· l:l \\ : ;o..i r Culc sa id .
921
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aboriginal Affairs 1987 Aboriginal statistics 1986. Australian Department of, Government Printing Office (AGPS), Canberra.
Aboriginal Affairs 1989 Annual Report 1988/89. AGPS, Canberra. Department of,
Aboriginal 1980 Aboriginal health in the south-west of Western
Affairs, House of Australia. AGPS, Canberra.
Representatives Standing Committee
Aboriginal 1987 Aboriginal participation and equity in local
Affairs government. A discussion paper, AGPS,
Minister of Canberra.
Aboriginal Affairs 1972 Western Australian laws, statutes, etc. Planning Authority Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority Act 1972. Gives text of regulations (interpretation, officers of the Authority, delegation of powers,
entry to reserves, estates of deceased persons, etc) and reproduces four forms for use under the Act. AGPS, Perth.
Aboriginal Affairs, 1975 Newsletter. Names groups investigating racial Western Australia, tension, police action re: Laverton/Skull Creek Department of incident of January 1975.
Aboriginal Affairs, 1983 Western Australian budget allocations. Western Australia, Allocation of funds through Department of Department of Aboriginal Affairs. Gives expenditure
1982/1983 and appropriation 1983/1984. Aboriginal newsletter.
Aboriginal & Islander 1990 An historical development of the procedures and Tertiary Aspirations practices of the Aboriginal and Islander Tertiary Programme Aspirations Programme, September 1987 -
December 1989, Draft, Queensland. Department of Education.
Aboriginal & Islander 1990 Vol. 14 No.2, June 1990. University of Health Worker, The Queensland Printery, St Lucia.
Aboriginal and Torres 1988 Aboriginal women and education. Australian Strait Islander Teachers' Federation Women's Conference,
Education Council Alice Springs.
Australian Teachers' Union
923
Aboriginal Education, 1985 Aboriginal Education, AGPS, Canberra. House of Representatives Select Committee
Aboriginal 1990 Aboriginal Issues Unit progress report
Issues Unit submitted to the Western Australian RCIADIC.
Report
Aboriginal 1990 'Fighting for Rights'. Aboriginal Issues Unit
Issues Unit Final Report submitted to the Western
Report Australian RCIADIC.
Aboriginal Health 1989 Report to Commonwealth, State and Territory Development Ministers for Aboriginal Affairs and Health,
Group December 1989.
Aboriginal 1980 Special Issue 2: Aborigines code of mental
Health Worker health.
Aboriginal 1977 Papers, reports and correspondence, etc. See
Legal Service of sheaf catalogue for full details and options. See
Western Australia also Western Australia. Parliament-
(Inc) Legislative Assembly. Kimberley District
Contested election of 19 February 1977 following complaints against the scrutineers at Halls Creek and other polling booths.
Aboriginal Legal n.d. Submission to the Law Reform Commission
Service of Western of Western Australia, into the review of the
Australia (Inc). Justices Act 1902-1982: Consititution, powers
and procedure of courts of petty sessions.
Aboriginal 1981/ Wikaru (especially Volumes 8, 9 and 10).
Teacher 1982 Mount Lawley Campus, Western Australia,
Education WACAE.
Programme
Aborigines and 1983 Papers presented. Centre for Continuing
International Education. Laws of the white people; the
Law Conference frontier of authority in Perth, by R.H.W.
Reece. 30 1. Australian National University, Canberra.
Adoption 1990 A new approach to adoption. Department for
Legislative Community Services, Perth. Draft report.
Review Committee
Aitkin, D.A. 1980 Aborigines and the law that should be changed
(Western Australian electoral act). Postal voting; inducing an election to use the postal vote. National Times.
924
Akerman, K. 1979 Material culture and trade in the Kimberley
today. In Berndt, R.M. & C.H. (eds). Aborigines of the west: their past and their present 243-251. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Akerman, K. 1979 The renaissance of Aboriginal law in the
Kimberleys. In Berndt R.M. & C.H. (eds) · Aborigines of the west. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Albert, W. 1990 'One Months Takings': A thirty day study of
the Aboriginal legal service and the courts in five locations of Western Australia. Report for the RCIADIC, Broome (Research Paper 4)
Alcohol & Drug 1989 Yarranma Vol. 2 No. 1 & Vol. 3 No. 1
Authority
Alexander, C. 1987 From Drearntime to nightmare: The voices of
169 Aboriginal (ex) prisoners in New South Wales, ANZJS Vol. 23, No.3, November.
Allbrook 1990 Community relations in Geraldton, Western
Cattalini Australia: A study for the Human Rights and
Research Pty Equal Opportunity Commission's National
Ltd. Inquiry Into Racist Violence.
Allen, H. 1988 History matters - A commentary on divergent
interpretations of Australian history, Australian Aboriginal Studies 2: 79-89.
Altman, J .C. 1984 The Payment of mining royalties to
Aborigines: Compensation or revenue? Anthropological Forum V(3), 1984-5. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Altman, J .C. 1987 The potential for reduced dependency in
Aboriginal communities in the East Kimberley Region. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 18.
Altman, J.C. 1987 The economic impact of tourism on the
Warmun (Turkey Creek) community, East Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 19 .
925
Altman, J.C. 1988 Support services for Aboriginal communities:
Some economic & political considerations. A submission to the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs. Ref: The effectiveness of support services for Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander communities.
Altman, J. 1990 Economic Futures of remote Aboriginal &
Torres Strait Islander communities. Paper presented at the AIATSIS Biennial Conference Remote Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Community futures', Townsville, 1990.
Amos, M. 1975 Ryder died, but no one seemed to care.
Discusses the ambiguous circumstances surrounding the death of Aboriginal Ben Ryder in northern Western Australia, and suggests further inquiries are necessary. Aboriginal and Islander Forum.
Anderson, A.F. 1948 Police patrol in the "Never Never". Vol. 14,
No. 12, 10-16, illustrated. Arrest of two natives in Warburton area by patrol from Laverton. Smoke signals. Burial. Walkabout.
Anderson, B. 1983 Imagined communities: Reflections on the
origins and spread of nationalism, Verso. London.
Anderson, C. & 1989 'Like a crane standing on one leg on a little
Coates, S. island'. An investigation of factors affecting
the lifestyle of Wujalwujal community, North Queensland. Research Study I. Submission to the RCIADIC.
Anemaat, L. 1989 Documenting secret/sacred (restricted)
Aboriginal history. Archives and Manuscripts, Vol. 17, No. I, May.
Argyle Diamond Mine 1984 Argyle project briefing (August 1984). West Joint Venture Perth: Argyle Diamond Mines Pty Ltd
(Registered Office).
Armstrong, A., 1986 Review of Aboriginal health worker education Collard, D., in Western Australia, Department of Aboriginal
Gray, D. , Affairs (Draft).
Williams, B., Wronski, I.
Arthur, W.S. 1986 Aboriginal employment in the Fitzroy Valley
Western Australia 1985-1986. Kimberley Land Council. Unpublished Report.
926
Arthur, W.S. 1986 Pastoral development in the Kimberley.
Unpublished report for the Aboriginal Development Commission, Perth.
Atkinson, L. 1990 Aboriginal women and imprisonment in
Western Australia. Report for the RCIADIC, Broome (Research Paper 3)
Atkinson, L. 1990 The Roeboume liason officer project, March-May 1990. A report for the Special Government Committee on Aboriginal/Police and Community Relations.
Australian 1990 Third West Australian Broadcasters Conference. Aboriginal Ngunulun Community, East Kimberley.
Broadcasters Conference
Australian 1989 Thoughts that glow, words that bum. An ABC
Broadcasting guide to non-discriminatory language.
Corporation
Australian 1980 Western Australia in brief- (Catalogue No.
Bureau of 1306.5). Government Printer, Perth.
Statistics
Australian 1989 Western Australian Year Book. Government
Bureau of Statistics Printer, Perth.
Australian Institute of 1978 Woman's role in Aboriginal society . Gale, F. Aboriginal Studies (ed). Union Offset Co. Pty Ltd, Canberra.
Australian 1980 Children's rights and justice for juveniles.
Institute of Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Criminology
Australian 1990 Aboriginal Health Information Bulletin,
Institute of Health & No. 13 , May 1990. Union Offset Co. ,
Australian Institute of Canberra.
Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Studies.
Australian Journalists 1989 Federal Executive, Statement, AJA 19th Association Council decision on restructuring, 25 August.
Australian Law 1982 Aboriginal Customary Law -child custody, Reform Commission fostering and adoption. Research Paper No.4, Sydney.
Australian Law 1986 The recognition of Aboriginal Customary Reform Commission Laws. AGPS, Canberra.
927
Australian Mining 1983 Submission to the Aboriginal Land Inquiry, Industry Council Western Australia.
Australian 1985 Land rights, winning middle Australia. An
Natior.al Opinion Poll attitude and communication research study, (presented to the Department of Aboriginal Affairs) January.
Australian National 1987 Aborigines and development in the East University Kimberley. A report of the ANU Public
Affairs Conference. ANU: Centre For Continuing Education. Canberra.
Australian 1989 Booklet 4, Aims, principles, constitution and
Press Council complaints procedure, July.
Balgo Working 1989 A report on Balgo Wirrimanu Aboriginal Party Community to the Balgo Task Force.
Barbetti, M. & 1981 A 38,000 year old archaeological site of upper Pearce B, Swan, Western Australia- Oceania 16,3.
Barlow, A.P. 1989 Equality or equity? Education for Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander futures, November.
Bartlett, R.E. 1977 Aborigines in the context of the probation and
parole system in Western Australia In Australian Institute of Criminology. Aboriginal culture, traditions and values, a course for criminal justice personnel, held in Canberra.
Basedow,H. 1929 The Australian Aboriginal. F.W. Preece and
Sons, Adelaide.
Bastian, P. 1979 Coronary heart disease in tribal Aborigines -
The West Kimberley Survey. AustNZ J. Med. 9:284.
Bateman, F.E.A. 1948 The Bateman Report: Report of survey of Native affairs, Western Australian Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings Vol. 2 No. 19.
Bates, D.M. 1947 The passing of the Aborigines: a lifetime spent
among the natives of Australia. Second Australian (ed). Murray, London.
928
Bates, D.M. 1927 Pastoralists and Aborigines: a little bit of
history. Proposal that pastoralists give sheep and cattle if Government presents well watered land to Aborigines to stop stock spearing raids in Pilbara district.
Beazley, K.E. (A.O). 1984 Report of the Committee of inquiry into education in Western Australia. Government Printer, Perth.
Beckett,J. 1990 'Identity'. Report commissioned by the
RCIADIC, Adelaide.
Bennett, T. 1988 The exhibitionary complex. New Formations,
No.4.
Berndt,C.H. 1979 'Aboriginal women and the notion of the
Aboriginal man' in Berndt, R.M. & C.H. {eds), Aborigines of the West, 28-38. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Berndt, R.M. 1973 Aborigines of south-western Australia: The past and the present. In Aboriginal man in South Western Australia by Merrilees D., Dix W.C., Hallam S.H., Douglas W.H., & Berndt R.M. Journal of the Royal Society of Western
Australia, Vol. 56, Parts 1 & 2, pp. 50-53.
Berndt, R.M. 1969 Thinking about Australian Aboriginal welfare (with special reference to Western Australia). University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Berndt, R.M. 1972 The Walmadjeri and Gagadja. In Bicchieri, M.G. (ed) Hunters & gatherers today, a socio-economic study of eleven such cultures in the twentieth century. Holt, Rinehard and Winston, pp. 172-216.
Berndt, R.M. 1982 Traditional concepts of Aboriginal land. In Berndt, R.M. {ed), Aboriginal sites, rights and resource development: 1-12. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Berndt, R.M. 1959 Native welfare in Western Australia since the 'Warburton controversy' of 1957. Changes in Western Australian welfare policy reflect citizenship legislation, employment needs, report of Special Committee on Native matters. University of Western Australia Press ,
Nedlands.
929
Berndt, R.M. 1961 Tribal marriage in a changing social order.
Full account of "case in which European wished to marry Aboriginal woman"- firstly refused because of existing laws - Halls Creek. Traditional Aboriginal marriage and social grouping, elopement, the disregarding by church of tribal marriage. Vol. 5, No. 3: 326-46. Law Review.
Berndt, R.M. 1970 The concept of protest within an Australian
Aboriginal context. In A Question of Choice. Summary of paper given at symposium held jointly by Sections 25, 23, & 22 of ANZAAS during Adelaide congress. Australian Journal of Science.
Berndt, R.M. & C.H. 1978 Pioneers & settlers: The Aboriginal Australians. Pitman, Australia.
Berndt, R.M. & 1980 Aborigines of the west their past and present
C.H. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Bertram, R.E. 1979 Legislative Assembly - questions - Police: Fitzroy Crossing (question 1083). Aboriginal Legal Service letter on transfer of police sergeant. West Australian Parliament Debates, Perth.
Biendurry, 0 . 1980 Mother-in-law in court, (in)
Walmajarri/English. Dialogue of a man interpreting for his mother-in-law in court. December, 10-12, illustrated. Ngali.
Biles, D. 1986 Prisons and their problems. In the Australian
criminal criminal justice system, The mid 1980s. Chappell, Duncan and Wilson, Paul, Butterworths, Sydney.
Bird, D.R. 1985 Preliminary report ethnobotany in the
Bungles.
Bird, G.M. 1987 The 'civilizing mission': race and the
construction of crime. Research; Aborigines in the criminal justice system in some SA and W A towns; dispossession; racism; alcohol abuse, decriminalization of drunkenness; indecent language; Aboriginal/police relations; Aboriginal Legal Services; customary law.
930
Birdsell, C. 1983 The little queen: Nyungar principles of child-
rearing. Anthropology News. 20,6: 53-62. UW A Anthropology Department. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Biskup, P. 1973 Not slaves, not citizens: The Aboriginal
problem in Western Australia 1898-1954. University of Queensland Press, St Lucia.
Biskup, P. 1967 The royal commission that never was: a chapter
in Government- missions relations in Western Australia. Vol. 5, No. 1, 89-113.
Biskup, P. 1968 White-Aboriginal relations in Western
Australia: an overview. Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol.lO, Jul. (447)-457.
Blake, N.M & 1986 Population genetics studies in the Kimberley of
Spargo, R.M. Western Australia. Human Heredity 36:286.
Bodeker, G. & 1977 A community development and juvenile
Donovan, F. treattnent programme for Roeboume.
Unpublished submission to the Hon. Premier of Western Australia on behalf of Department of Community Welfare, Perth.
Boer,B.W. 1989 The legal framework affecting Aboriginal
people in the East Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 30.
Bolger, A. 1984 Aboriginal women and land: issues from the
Kimberley. In Aboriginal Forum, Vol. V, No.3. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Bolger, A. 1987 The effect of public sector activity on
Aborigines in the East Kimberley. Part 1 -Public Sector Agencies in the East Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 20.
Bolger, A. 1987 The effect of public sector activity on
Aborigines In The East Kimberley, Part II, Aboriginal Communities in the Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 23.
Bolger, A. 1990 Report on domestic violence and Aboriginal
women in the Northern Territory. Northern Australian Research Unit, Darwin.
931
Bolger, A.E. & 1979 Aboriginal participation in the 19n Western Rumley, H.E. Australian State election. In Hamilton, B. ed.
In finn hands: the Western Australian State election. University of Western Australia, Perth.
Bolger, A.E. & 1982 Political developments among Kimberley Rumley, H.E. Aborigines, 1977-1980. In Hannan, EJ. &
Head, B.W. eds. State, capital and resources in the north and west of Australia University of Western Australia, Perth.
Bolt, B. 1978 The development of citizenship rights for
Aborigines in Western Australia. Unpublished Research Project, School of Social Sciences, Western Australian Institute of Technology, Perth.
Bolton, G. 1981 Black and white after 1897. In A new history of
Western Australia C.T. Stannage, (ed). University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Bolto n G.C. 1953 A survey of the Kimberley pastoral industry
from 1885 to the present Department of History, M.A. Thesis. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Bolton, G.C. 1954 The Kimberley pastoral industry. University Studies in History and Economics. 2(2):7-53.
Bolton, G.C. & 1980 The Emanuels of Noonkanbah and Go Go. Pedersen, H. Early days. Stock killing, violence in Fitzroy
River area 1880s-90s; severity of police measures; Aboriginal stockmen at Noonkanbah and as police trackers.
Bonney, B & 1983 Australia's commercial media. MacMillan,
Wilso n, H. Melbourne.
Bornman, J.C. 1990 The mineral industry and Aboriginal Affairs Conference 1990. Report of proceedings to the RCIADIC, Broome, 1990.
Bostock, L. 1990 The Greater perspective: A guideline for the
production of film and television on Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, Special Broadcasting Service.
Bottrill, A. 1979 The other side tells (letter on J. Singleton's
article). No race riots in Fitzroy Crossing started by Aborigines; police/ Aboriginal relationships; employment on cattle stations.
932
Bottrill, A. · .1986 The Mission Lands report. Report
commissioned by the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority, Western Australia.
Boyle, P. 1975 The Skull creek incident. Police brutality in
the 'battle' of Skull Creek on 5 January. Laverton Royal Commission, racial discrimination. Pelican.
Brady,M 1980 Alcohol use and its effects upon Aboriginal
women, unpublished paper presented at Alcohol and Crime Seminar (Australian Institute of Criminology), Perth, 4-6 April.
Brady, M. 1989 Heavy metal: The social meaning of petrol
sniffing in Australia. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Brady,M. 1990 Indigenous and government attempts to control
alcohol use among Australian Aborigines. Contemporary Drug Problems 1.7(2), Summer.
Brady,M. 1990 A report tendered in support of the objections
to a liquor licence at Yamama Station, Western Australia. Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, Canberra.
Brady, M. & 1982 Aboriginal adolescent offending behaviour: a
Morice, E. study of a remote community report prepared
for the Criminology Research Council of the Australian Institute of Criminology of South Australia, School of Medicine, Western Desert Project. Ref.26/2. Flinders University of
South Australia, Adelaide.
Brandl, M .M. 1984 A certain heritage. Programmes for and by
Coombs, H.C. & Aboriginal families in Australia.
Snowdown, W.E.
Brewer, J. 1988 Public drunkenness - Australian law and
practice, Criminology Research Unit, Research Paper No. 3, October 1988.
Broadhurst, 1987 Imprisonment of the Aborigine in Western
R.G. Australia 1957-1985. In Hazlehurst, K.M. (ed)
Ivory Scales- Black Australians and the law. NSW University Press in association with the Australian Institute of Criminology, Sydney.
933
Broadhurst, R.G.
Broadhurst, R.G. & Maller, R.A.
Broadhurst, R.G. & Maller, R.A.
Broadhurst, R.G. Maller, R.A. Maller, M.G. & Duffey, J.
Broome, Shire
Bropho, R.
Bropho, R.
Brown, D.
Brown, M.
Burkenhagen, H.R.
Cane, S.
Capp,B.
1988
1989
1989
1988
1989
1980
1985
1988
1976
1980
1989
1988
Legal control, learning and the Aboriginal struggle for law. In Learning My Way, Papers from the National Conference on Adult Aboriginal Learning, W ACAE, September.
An analysis of recidivism of sex offenders in the Western Australian prison population. Paper presented to the 5th annual conference of the ANZ Society of Criminology, July.
White man's magic makes black deaths in custody disappear. Law School and Department of Mathematics, University of Western Australia.
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal recidivism in Western Australia: A failure rate analysis. In 1 ournal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, Vol. 25 No. 1, February.
Broome study, Western Australia
Fringe-dweller. Alternative Publishing Company, Sydney.
Limit of maps. The great journey of the Aboriginal teenagers. Describes incidents from his youth: flight from the law, Perth to Port Hedland via Wiluna following night of looting.
Deaths in Australian prisons. A review in Australian Society.
The Black Eureka. Australasian Book Society, Sydney.
Community review: Collie Aboriginal Advancement Association. MS. Department of Aboriginal Affairs.
Return to the desert. A report to the Department of Aboriginal Affairs and Wirramanu Aboriginal Council. National Heritage Studies, ACT.
Even desert kids need heroes. In Learning My Way. Papers from the National Conference on Adult Aboriginal Learning, Western Australian College of Advanced Education, September.
934
Carter, J. 1982 The West Australian and Aborigines: a content
analysis (of 1938 material). All that dirt: Aborigines 1938. Australian National University. Research School of Social Science, History, Canberra.
Carter, J. 1984 For the wellbeing of the people: Final report of
the Community Services Review. Government Printers, Perth.
Catholic 1988 Two way learning. Language and culture in
Education schools.
Language Team, Kimberley
Catholic 1990 Aboriginal teaching assistants programme,
Education Broome.
Office of Western Australia
Catholic Education 1988 Aboriginal teaching assistants programme. Regional Office, Broome.
Cattalini, H. & 1989 Review of the Department for Community Associates Pty Ltd. Services. Under section 82(b) of the Equal
Opportunity Act. December. Unpublished.
Cavanagh, J.L. 1975 Statement by the Minister for Aboriginal Affairs: Goldfields Royal Commission. Western Australia and Federal Govts. agree on terms of reference for commission to inquire into the Skull Creek-Laverton incident Press Release, Canberra.
Cawte, J. 1980 Aborigines look at mental health, The
Aboriginal Health Worker, Special Issue Number2.
Chambers of Mines 1983 Submission to the Aboriginal Land Inquiry, of Western Australia Perth.
Chaney, F. 1982 Teaching Australia's Aborigines and Torres
Strait Islanders, in Aboriginal education, John Sherwood (ed), Creative Research, Perth.
Chaney, F.M. 1980 Parliament - Senate. Questions - Aboriginal
postal voting. Allegations of police harassment; actions to prevent intimidation at next federal elections. Weekly Hansard, Perth.
935
Chestennan, C. 1969 Home away from home. Supported accommodation assistance programme review.
Chisolm, R. 1983 Black children: white welfare - Aborigines and
the child welfare system in New South Wales. Symposium 2 of Commission on folk law and legal pluralism. Xlth International Congress on Anthropological Sciences, Canada. Faculty of Law, UNSW, Kensington.
Chisholm, R. & 1974 Understanding law. Butterworths, Melbourne. Nettheim, G.
Choo, C. 1989 "Black must go white". The removal of part-
Aboriginal children from their mothers. An exploration of the policy and practice of A.O. Neville, Chief Protector of Aborigines. Unpublished Master of Philosophy thesis.
Choo, C. 1990 Aboriginal child poverty, Brotherhood of St
Lawrence.
Christensen, W. 1985 Aborigines and the Argyle Diamond Project Submission to the Aboriginal Land Inquiry. East Kimberley Working Paper No.3.
Christensen, W. 1985 Aborigines and the Argyle Diamond Project Submission to the Aboriginal Land Inquiry. Western Australian Institute of Technology, Perth.
Christensen, 1980 Aborigines of Kalgoorlie-Boulder. In
W.J.K. Aborigines of the west: their past and their
present. Berndt, R.M. & C.H. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Christensen, 1981 The Wangkayi way: tradition and change in a
W.J.K. reserve setting. Unpublished PhD. University
of Western Australia Anthropology Department
Christie, M.J. 1985 Aboriginal perspectives on experience and learning: the role of language in Aboriginal education, Deakin University Press.
Christie, M.J. 1988 The invasion of Aboriginal education. In
Learning My Way. Papers from the National Conference on adult Aboriginal learning, Western Australia College of Advanced Education, September.
936
Chubb, P. 1979 The white welfare officer who won't go away
· (S. Davey at Fitzroy Crossing). Davey's efforts to educate Kimberley Aborigines in civil liberties, land rights and voting, police-Aboriginal relationships; Kimberley by-election. National Times, Canberra.
Clarke, K. 1983 Aboriginal heritage, renewable resource and
environmental management in Western Australia, Report No. 1. University of Western Australia, Perth ..
Clement, C 1988 Pre-settlement intrusion into the East
Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 24. Canberra.
Clement, C. 1989 Historical notes relevant to impact stories of
the East Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 29.
Clifford, W. 1982 Aboriginal criminology. Outlines problems of
discrimination in the legal system. Types of offences, SA and W A prison statistics. Identity.
Cochran, G. 1968 Aboriginal education at Mogumber Methodist Mission. (Unpublished paper for Graylands Teachers College held at Battye State Library.)
Colbung, K. 1973 Report on the use of Mogumber Training
Centre by Aboriginal Cultural Enterprises Society (Inc).
Colbung, K. 1975 Chapter 6. In Black viewpoints: The
Aboriginal experience. Colin Tatz, (ed). ANZ Book Company, Sydney.
Colbung, K. 1975 Talk given to Black Studies class at Monash
University, Victoria. Western Australian legislation governing Aborigines; the Dog Act, land rights, employment. control of money, franchisement, etc. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Colbung, K. 1975 Communication: by confrontation or by
education? Special lectures to be given to Police Sergeants at Maylands Police Academy for the Western Australian Police Force on 17 February. Aboriginal attitudes to law; respect for authority; ill-treatment of
Aborigines in Western Australia.
937
Colbung, K. 1976 Notes for a delegation to the Minister for
Police on Monday, 31 May. AboriginaVpolice relationships in Laverton area after Skull Creek incident
Colbung, K. 1979 On being an Aboriginal: a personal statement
In Berndt, R.M. & C.H. (eds). Aborigines of the West: their past and their present; Experiences of a Nyungar brought up on the Moore River Reserve.
Coleman, R.N. 1979 Parliament - Senate. Debates - Aborigines (at Fitzroy Crossing). Employment of Stan Davey at Fitzroy Crossing; effects of pastoral award; Noonkanbah station; Aboriginal-police relations; petroleum exploration on Noonkanbah; Aboriginal voting and Kimberley election. Weekly Hansard, Perth.
Coles- 1979 Growing up in Western Australia: If you are
Rutishauser, Aboriginal. Proceedings of the Nutrition
I.H.E. Society of Australia. 4:27.
Collard, D. 1983 Not In the race'. In no place to go: Shelter
Newsletter. 2:23-4. Tenant's Advice Service, Perth.
Colliver, R & 1989 A Review of the community problem-solving
Genat, B. programme, 1988. State Working Party on
Petrol Sniffing, February 1989.
Commissioner 1980 Report on enquiries by the Office of the
for Community Commissioner for Community relations into
Relations. complaints of racial discrimination in the
Kimberley and Perth districts of Western Australia. Housing shortages and discrimination; police relations; hotel discrimination; discriminatory acts during Western Australian State elections. Community Relations Paper, Canberra.
Commissioner 1980 Report on inquiries by the Office of the
for Community Commissioner for Community relations into
Relations. complaints of racial discrimination in the
Kimberley and Perth districts of Western Australia. Housing shortages and discrimination; police relations; hotel discrimination; discriminatory acts during Western Australian State elections. Community Relations Paper, Canberra.
938
Commissioner for 1977 You live and breathe it from the day you're Community born. Report on anti-Aboriginal discrimination
Relations. in Perth and surrounding areas, October -
November. See Manuscript version (pMs 2771) for annotation. Community Relations Paper No. 4. Canberra.
Committee to 1984 It seems the law is different for the Aborigines
Defend Black and the white man. No justice for John Pat.
Rights. September 1983 case of police brutality in
Roeboume, W A. Tranby Aboriginal College, Glebe,NSW.
Commonwealth 1987 Aboriginal employment development policy of Australia statement. Policy Paper No. 1. AGPS,
Canberra.
Commonwealth of 1989 Towards a fairer Australia: social justice Australia budget statement 1989-90.
Commonwealth 1989 Towards social justice for young Australians: of Australia 1989-90 budget.
Community 1984 Statistics showing the response of the
Services, Department for Community Services, the
Department for judiciary and police to juvenile offenders in
West Australia during the period 1 January to 31 March 1984.
Community Services, 1985 Annual reports. Government printer, Perth. Department for 1986
1988 1989
Community 1985 Review of Departmental juvenile justice
Services, systems (Perth).
Department for.
Community 1986 Aboriginal child placement workshop (Perth). Services, Department for
Community 1987 Directions for Community Welfare Services Services, (Perth).
Department for
Community Services, 1987 Policies for families - discussion paper (Perth). Department for
Community Services, 1988 Equal employment opportunity management Department for plan (Perth).
939
Community Services, 1989 Directions for community welfare services Department for (Perth).
Community Services, 1989 Juvenile justice information. Western Department for Australia: State report (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Financial and material assistance statistics Department for (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Institutional programmes for Aboriginal youth Department for (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Juvenile justice statistics (Perth). Department for
Community Services, 1990 Programmes funded by the Department to the Department for non-Government sector for programmes which are accessed by Aboriginal communities (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Protocol between the Police Department and Department for the Department for Community Services with respect to detention of juveniles in police country lock-ups (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Public liability arrangements for children who Department for could be injured when placed by the Department on stations in the north (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Lock-up-meal return statistics for 1989. April Department for (Perth).
Community Services, 1990 Station (alternative) programme. Description Department for and programme guidelines. East country region, August (Perth).
Community Services 1990 Substitute care policy in relation to Aboriginal Department for child placement Aboriginal Services, Perth.
Community 1989 Annual report 1988-89. Government printer. Services and Ethnic Queensland.
Affairs, Department
Community Services 1990 Working with women and children in refuges. and Health, A training package for supported
Departments, accommodation assistance programme workers on domestic violence. Western Australia.
Community Welfare, 1974 Submission to the Purnell Royal Commission Department for on Aboriginal Affairs.
Community Welfare, n.d. Submission to the Aboriginal Land Inquiry. Department for K. Maine, Director.
940
Community Welfare 1975 An evaluation of the homemaker service in the Department for metropolitan area. A community based welfare service of the Department for Community Welfare.
Community Welfare, 1980 Annual reports. Department for 1981
1982 1983
Community Welfare, 1983 Issues relating to the admission of children to Department for the institutional system (Perth).
Community Welfare, 1989 Annual report Victoria. Department for
Coombs, H.C. et al 1988 Land of Promises. East Kimberley Impact Assessment Project ANU.
Copeman, D. 1990 Aboriginal health and primary health care. Public Health Association Newsletter.
Cornish, H. 1880 The call of the Kimberleys: pioneering in 1880. Also titled: Pioneering in the Kimberleys, 1880.
Corrective Services, 1987 The Western Australian Prison system. May. Department of
Corrective Services, 1988-89 Annual Report. Department of
Corrective Services, 1989 Evaluation of welfare services provided by Department of prison officers. December.
Corrective Services, 1989 Juvenile justice annual plans 1989. Department of
Corrective Services, 1990 Education Policy. Department of
Country Shire 1988 Response to the Australian Aboriginal Affairs Councils Association Conference Discussion Paper: Aboriginal of Western Australia Participation and Equity in Local Government.
941
Court, C. 1975 Royal Commission of Laverton. Statement by
the Premier of Western Australia. Sir Charles Court. Comments on Asst. Police Commissioner Parker's report. Police agreement to Commission; Laverton Study Group mentioned. State Commission announced. Press Release, Perth.
Court of Petty 1986 Law Reform Commission of W A. Report on
Sessions Report Courts of Petty Sessions: Constitution.
Powers and Procedure. (Project No. 55 Part II).
Coutts, V. 1988 Cultural difference in Aboriginal and Islander
classrooms, Black Voices, Vol. 4, No.2.
Craig, D. 1987 Social Impact Assessment Bibliography. East
Kimberley Working Paper No. 17.
Craig, D. 1989 The Development of Social Impact Assessment
in Australia and Overseas and the Role of Indigenous Peoples. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 31.
Crawford, F. 1975 The Looma story. Unpublished M.Swk.
thesis. University of Western Australia.
Crawford, F. 1989 Jalinardi Ways: White Fellas Working in
Aboriginal Communities. Centre for Aboriginal Studies, Curtin University, Perth.
Crawford, F. n.d. Community development in Western Australia. A joint project of the Centre for Aboriginal Studies and the School of Social Work. Curtin University of Technology, Perth.
Crawford, I.M. 1980 Aboriginal Studies at the W A Museum. In Berndt, R.M. & C.H. Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Cross, D. 1989 Ethnic and cultural issues in current adoption
practice. Draft, Department for Community Services.
Crough, G. 1989 Aboriginal economic development in Central
Howitt, R. & Australia. A report for the combined
Pritchard, B. Aboriginal organisations of Alice Springs.
Cunneen, C. 1987 Criminal Justice in North-West New South
& Robb, T. Wales, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and
Research, Sydney.
942
Cutter, T.N. 1980 Central Australian Aboriginal Congress, In
Dagmar, H. Land & A Fringe-dwelling Community. Land Rights Symposium, Biennial meeting of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, pp. 1-33.
Dagmar, H. 1981 From sheep station to town: aspects of
Aboriginal economy in a country town. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies Report, Canberra.
Dagmar, H. 1982 The Western Australian Country Town
Community. In Young, E.A. and Fisk, E.K. (eds), Town Populations (Vol. 2) . The Aboriginal Component in the Australian Economy. Development Studies Centre,
Australian National University, Canberra.
Dames& 1982 Ashton Joint Venture: Environmental Review
Moore and Management Programme - Argyle Diamond
(Consultants) Project. Perth.
Darian-Smith, M. 1981 Ngatayi v. R. Melb. Univ. Law. Rev. Details of trial for murder of a La Grange Aboriginal and subsequent sentence and appeals to the High Court; defendant's linguistic and conceptual difficulties in a European legal situation.
Daunton-Fear 1977 Sentencing in Western Australia. Prison
M.W. population; court decisions; severity of charges.
University of Qld. Press in assoc. with Australian Institute of Criminology, St Lucia.
Daunton-Fear 1977 "Gum-tree" justice: Aborigines and the courts. M.W. & Frieberg, In Chappell, D. & P. Wilson. The Australian
A. criminal justice system; second edition.
Traditional law vs. European law; methods of judicial inquiry; community standards for offences; sentencing; notions of guilt; tribal courts; discriminatory nature of the law; culture
contact and the law. Butterworths, Melbourne.
Davies, L. 1976 The Yupupu Case. Vol. 2, No.4. 133-135.
Trial of a Pintupi, Jamba Jinba Yupupu (David Ross), for unlawful car use and shooting incident at Billiluna station. Legal Service Bulletin.
Davies, L. 1983 Aboriginals and the criminal law. In National
Law Librarians Conference. Perth. W A.
943
Davies, R.J.P. 1987 Conservation Priorities in North-Western Australia. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 16, Canberra.
Davis, J. 1971 Aboriginal power. Comments on rise of
militant action by Aborigines, reasons for action, needs of Aborigines in Western Australia. Aboriginal Welfare News.
Davis, J. 1972 Press Release: Aboriginal Advancement
Council of W A {Inc) statement by the President - Mr J. Davis. Brief notes on culture contact commenting on land dispossession,
disintegration of culture. Post-war developments, government activities, comparison of proportions of white and Aboriginal populations in prisons, high infant mortality, malnutrition. Urgent need for Commonwealth assistance with severe Aboriginal housing problem in Western Australia. Aboriginal Welfare News.
Davis, J. 1975 Broome is a Nice Place to Live as Long as You
Don't Live on the Reserves, In Identity Vol. 2, No.3, January- pp. 16-17.
Daylight, P. & 1986 Women's Business, AGPS, Canberra.
Johnstone, M.
Daebaecker, F. & 1987 Australian Prisoners 1987. Results of the Chapman, J. National Prison Census, 30 June 1987,
Australian Institute of Criminology.
De Lint J. 1976 The epidemiology of alcoholism with specific
reference to socio-cultural factors. In Cross Cultural Approaches to the Study of Alcohol. M.W. Everett et al (eds). The Hague: Mouton.
Dennison, M. 1990 Aboriginal morbidity patterns in Western
Australia (1977-88). Some preliminary investigations. Aboriginal Health Policy Unit, Health Department of Western Australia.
Dick, M. & 1980 Prevalent Low Serum Thyroxine-binding
Watson, F. Globulin Level in Western Australian
Aborigines. Its effect on Thyroid function tests. Med. J. Aust. 1:115.
Dickinson, R. & 1985 Yiyilli: An Aboriginal Community School. members of Yiyilli WAIT - Perth.
Community
944
Dillon, M.C. 1985 The East Kimberley Region: Research Guide
and Select References. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 2.
Dillon, M.C. 1985 Structural Change in Wyndham. East
Kimberley Working Paper No.9. Canberra.
Dillon , M.C. 1987 Aborigines and Tourism in North Australia:
Some suggested research approaches. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 14. Canberra.
Dixon, O.F. 1981 Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the
Rate of Imprisonment in Western Australia. Government Printer, Perth.
Dixon, R.A. n.d. Bringing new ways into old ways. An
interpretation of the events surrounding the signing of the Argyle Diamond Agreement based on Aboriginal oral accounts.
Dixon, R.A. n.d. 'One Bloke Had A Will': Aborigines as
conscious actors or passive victims? In Dixon R.A., Dillon M.C. (eds) Aborigines and Diamond Mining: The Politics of Resource Development in the East Kimberley. . University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Donvan, F. 1975 Roebourne: The Juvenile sub-Cult.
Unpublished submission to the Director, Department for Community Welfare, Perth, WA.
Donovan, F. 1977 Community Development: A New Approach to
the Problems of Aboriginal Youth in the Pilbara Region of Western Australia. Paper presented to the National Symposium on the Treatment of Aboriginal Juveniles in States Corrective Institutions. Sydney. Department of Aboriginal Affairs, May.
Donovan, F . 1986 An Assessment of the Social Impact of Argyle
Diamond Mines on the East Kimberley Region. East Kimberley working paper No. 11.
Donovan 1989 Public attitudes research. Report to the Equal
Research Opportunity Commission, June.
945
Doogue, E. 1988 Change the laws, Dowding is told. Muirhead
concern over high incidence of deaths in custody in Western Australia; progress of Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. Land Rights News.
Doogie, E. 1989 Western Australia feels the backlash. Criticism
of Muirhead RCIADIC from Western Australia Government and police representatives; inquiry into death of Robert Walker. Land Rights News.
Douglas, W.H. 1973 The Language of South-Western Australia. In Aboriginal Man in South-Western Australia. Merrilees, Dix et al, Royal Society of Western Australia. Vol. Parts 1 and 2.
Douglas, W.H. 1976 The Aboriginal Languages of the South West of Australia. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Douglas, W.H. 1977 The Aborigines - a problem of two laws:
papers, reports, evidence and letters referred to in a talk given at the Anthropological Society meeting on Monday, 13 June 1977. Aboriginal Legal Service of Western Australia (Inc). Perth.
Douglas, W.H. 1982 Writing the South-West Language Western Australian College of Advanced Education.
Dow,D.B & 1969 Geology of the Kimberley Region of Western
Germuts,I. Australia: The East Kimberley. Geological
Survey of Western Australia Bulletin 120. Also issued as Bureau of Mineral Resources and Geology & Geophysics, Australia. Bulletin 106.
Duckworth, A. & 1979 Aboriginal attitudes to imprisonment: A Hartz-Karp. preliminary appraisal of issues. Western
Australia. Department of Corrections Internal Research Paper 54. Perth. November.
Duckworth A.M.E. 1981 Imprisonment of Aborigines in North Western Foley-Jones, C.R. Australia. Research and Information No. 21,
Lowe, P. & Department of Corrections Western Australia,
Maller, M. Perth, June.
946
Duckworth, A.M.E. 1982 Imprisonment of Aborigines in North Western Foley-Jones, C.R. Australia, Australian and New Zealand Journal Lower, P. & of Criminology, 15, 26-46.
Maller, M.
Dudgeon, P. & 1988 The Complexity of Aboriginal Diversity, Oxenham, D. Identity and Kindredness. Paper presented at the
Learning my Way Conference, Curtin University of Technology, Perth.
Dudley, T. 1987 The Unfenced Land.
Duffield, R. 1977 The revolt in the west (the failure of theW A
Act Amendment Act and Aboriginal
voting rights). National Times, Canberra.
Duguid, C. 1954 The Aborigines of Australia: an address to the
annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society on 15 June. Laws in W A, Qld, SA &and NT. Covers education, voting rights, employment and wages, benefits. Mission life. London.
Duncan-Kemp 1934 Our sandhill country. Angus and Robertson, A.M. Sydney.
Dunlop, S. 1988 All That Rama Rama Mob. Aboriginal
Disturbed Behaviour in Central Australia, Central Australian Congress.
Dunstan, D. 1989 Aboriginal community development A report
by Don Dunstan. Adelaide, July.
Durack, M. 1941 The Outlaws of Windjana Gorge. Account of
police-boy Pidgeon, turned outlaw, and his clashes with whites. Walkabout
Durack, M. 1971 The Rock & the Sand. Published by
Transworld Publishers, Ealing, London. (Refers to Catholic Mission Settlements in the Kimberleys). Corgi Books, London.
Durack, M. 1975 To be heirs forever. Constable, London.
Durack, M. 1980 Parliament - Senate. Questions - Postal votes:
Western Australian elections. Questioning of whites lodging postal votes; possible discrimination against Aboriginal postal voters. Weekly Hansard, Perth.
Eagelston, R., 1982 English and the Aboriginal Child. Curriculum Kaldor, S., & Development Centre, ACT.
Malcolm, I.
947
East Kimberley 1985 Project Description and Feasibility Study. East Impact Assessment Kimberley Working Paper No. I. Canberra. Project
East Kimberley 1985 Pastoral Resource Use in the Kimberley: A Impact Assessment Critical Overview. East Kimberley Working Project Paper No. 4. Canberra.
East Kimberley 1985 An Aboriginal Economic Base: Strategies for Impact Assessment Remote Communites. Extracts from Report of Project the Committee of Review of Aboriginal
Employment and Training Programmes. East Kimberley Working Paper No.7. Canberra.
East Kimberley 1985 A Preliminary Indication of Some Effects of Impact Assessment the Argyle Diamond Mine on Aboriginal · Project Communities in the Region: A Report to the
Kimberley land Council and the National Aboriginal Conference. East Kimberley Working Paper No.9. Canberra.
Eckermann, A.K. 1988 Culture vacuum or cultural vitality? In Australian Aboriginal Studies No. 1, 1988.
Edmunds, M. 1988 'Golden Ages or Dark Ages?' Contradictions of the Pastoral Industry in the West Pilbara. Unpublished paper.
Edmunds,M. 1989 They Get Heaps: A Study of Attitudes in Roebourne, Western Australia. Report on Fieldwork. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Edmunds, M. 1990 'Doing Business: Socialisation, social relations and social control in Aboriginal society. Report commissioned by the RCIADIC, Adelaide.
Education Department, 1990 Aboriginal and Islander Tertiary Aspirations Queensland Program. A Historical Development of the
Procedures and Practices of the Aboriginal and Islander Tertiary Aspirations Programme, September 1987-December 1989.
Education Department 1980 Technical Education Division. Adult Western Australia Aboriginal Education. You can have your say: an explanation of enrolment and voting procedures for State and Commonwealth
elections in W A for use in the Aboriginal Electoral Education Programme. Perth.
Education Ministry of. 1990 Managing Student Behaviour.
948
Education Ministry of. 1990
Education Ministry of. n.d.
Edwards, E. 1982
Eggington, D. 1990
Eggleston, E. 1976
Eggleston, E.M. 1970
Elder, B. 1988
Elkin, A.P. 1980
Elliott, L.D. 1978
Elliott, L.D. 1979
Aboriginal Education Workers and Aboriginal Education Community Development Officers.
Curriculum framework in Aboriginal languages. East Perth.
The treatment of juvenile offenders: A study of the treatment of juvenile offenders in Western Australia as part of an overall review of the Child Welfare Act. Part 1, 2 and 3.
Letter of complaint to the Australian Broadcasting Tribunal over on-air comments by Howard Sattler of Radio 6PR on 4 April.
Fear, Favour or Affection: Aborigines and the Civil Law in Victoria, South Australia and Western Australia. Australian National University Press, Canberra.
Aborigines and the administration of justice: a critical analysis of the application of the criminal law to Aborigines. Monash University, Melbourne.
Blood on the Wattle: Massacres and Maltreatment of Australian Aborigines since 1788. Child and Associates Publishing Pty Ltd, French's Forest.
Aboriginal-European relations in Western Australia: An Historical and Personal Record. In Berndt, R.M. & C.H. (eds), Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present: 285-323. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Western Australian Parliament- Legislative Council. Questions - Aborigines: courts of petty session: cases (quest. 234). Identification of race in complaints. Western Australian Parliament Debates, Perth.
Legislative Council. Questions- Police: Aborigines: arrests, charges and imprisonment (quest 241). Number of Aborigines arrested in metropolitan area; number charged and the charge; number imprisoned; instructions on stopping Aborigines. Western Australian
Parliament Debates, Perth.
949
Elphinstone, J.T. 1960 In Report of the Commissioner of Public Health, Western Australia: 59-62. Perth.
Employment and 1990 Funding Submission 'Skills for Work Training, Department Shortcourse', Stationhand. Meekatharra. of.
Employment, 1988 Report of the Aboriginal Education Policy Education and Task Force, Canberra.
Training, Department of.
Employment, 1990 Student Support and Parent Awareness (SSPA) Education and Programme, 1990 National Programme
Training Department Guidelines.
Employment, 1990 A Fair Chance for All. National and
Education and Institutional Planning for Equity in Higher
Training Department Education. A Discussion Paper, February. of.
Equal Opportunity 1987 Discrimination in Government Policies and Commission Practices, Section 82(b) Report No. 1. The
Provision of Public Education in Western Australia, August.
Equal Opportunity 1989 Discrimination in Government Policies and Commission Practices, Section 82(b) Report No.3, Local
Government Services in Western Australia.
Equal Opportunity 1989 Public attitudes research. Tables to accompany Commission public attitudes research. Benchmark
Community Survey: 1989. Report to the Equal Opportunity Commission. Donovan Research, West Perth. June.
Equal Opportunity 1989 Review of the Department for Community Commission Services under Section 82(b) of the Equal
Opportunity Act. Helen Cattalini and Associates Pty Ltd., Perth.
Equal Opportunity 1990 Discrimination in Government policies and Commisison practices, Section 82(b) Report No.5, second
review of the provision of public education in Western Australia.
Equal Opportunity n.d. Discrimination by Homeswest. Report to the Commission Commissioner for Equal Opportunity. Review
being finalised. S.A. Walker, Fremantle.
950
Ester, H. 1980 Louder voices in the outback. Growing
political significance of the Aboriginal vote, especially in WA and NT. Far East Review.
Evans, G.J. 1980 Parliament - Senate. Questions - Voting by
Aborigines. Application of Racial Discrimination Act; Federal government actions to facilitate possible conference on oppressive conduct by Western Australian Police. Weekly Hansard, Perth.
Fall, J. 1978 Crime and criminal records in Western
Australia 1820- 1855 (with comments on Aboriginal offenders) Stud. West. Aust. Hist. 3:18-29.
Family and 1989 Annual Report. New South Wales.
Community Services, Department of.
Fenbury, A.D. 1977 Aboriginal Legal Service of W A Inc.
(Submission to the Law Reform Commission)
Fink, R.A. 1962 The status of Aborigines in Western Australia.
Australian School of Pacific Administration. Survey of legal and social status of Aborigines since 1900.
Finlay-Jones, 1972 Prevalence of diabetes in Aboriginal lepers: The R.A. & Derby survey. Med. J. Aust. 2:135.
McCormish, M.J.
Fishman, M. 1981 Crime waves as ideology. In Cohen, S. &
Young, J. eds. The manufacture of news, Constable, London.
Fisk, E.K. 1985 The Aboriginal economy in town and country.
George Allen and Unwin, Sydney.
Fitzgerald, M.R. 1984 The Kimberley Region of Western Australia: nl Recent developments and education needs,
Gidley, V .N. Hedland College, Occasional Papers, No. 1.
Fleming, J. 1990 Deaths in non-custodial corrections - Australia
and New Zealand, 1987 and 1988. Criminology Research Unit, RCIADIC, Research Paper No. 12. February 1990.
Fletcher, C. 1989 The Politics of road funding: Remote
Aboriginal communities & federalism in Western Australia. Australian Journal of Public Administration Vol. 48 No. 3, September 1989.
951
Flint, D.
Foley, M.
Forrest, S. & Sherwood, J.
Fox, D.
Freeman, J.D.
Frewen, J.
Gadir, S.
Gale Commission
Gale, F. ( ed)
Gallagher, M.
Gallagher, M.
1988
1984
1988
1984
1974
1988
1982
1908
1978
1990
n.d.
Gallant and Associates 1989
Garrick, P. 1980
Chairman's Foreword. In Australian Press Council Annual Report No. 12.
Aborigines and the police. In Aborigines and the Law Hanks, P. and Keon-Cohen (eds). George Allen and Unwin. Sydney. (pp. 160-190).
Working With Aborigines in Remote Areas. Western Australia College of Advanced Education, Perth:3rd edition.
The Role of the Prison Medical Service, New Doctor/Legal Service Bulletin; vol 9:1, p29-31.
A Report on Mowanjum Community with Special Reference to its Housing Needs. Prepared for the Aboriginal Housing Panel, Canberra.
Social Impact Funding. A review of the Argyle Social Impact Group, 1985-1988. Discussion Paper. Perth: Department of Mines, Western Australia.
The Rise and Fall of Public Issues, Media Information Australia, No. 26, November.
Royal Commission to Inquire into the Treatment of Natives by the Canning Exploration Party. Unpublished Manuscript. Battye Library, Perth. Woman's role in Aboriginal society. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Union Offset Co. Pty Ltd., Canberra.
Submission to the Human Rights Commission's National Inquiry into Racist Violence. Unpublished.
A Short history of the Canning Stock Route. (Unpublished manuscript).
Review of the Aboriginal Legal Service in Western Australia, Perth.
An examination of Aborigines, colonists and the law, 1855 (Perth). Attitudes to and punishment for tribal killings 1830-55; maintenance of traditional law; details of cases.
952
Gerritsen, R. 1990 Cause for hope? Aboriginal self-management and local government in Australia. A Discussion Paper for the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody.
Gevers,L. 1983 Aboriginal Housing - Some Facts. In No
Place To Go Shelter Newsletter, 2,2:6-7, Tenants Advice Service, Perth.
Gibbs, D.M.H. 1984 Assessment of the Economic Impact of the Argyle Diamond Mine on the East Kimberley Region. Prepared for the Minister for Minerals and Energy. Government of Western Australia.
Gilbert, N. 1977 Living Black. Penguin, Ringwood.
Gill, A. 1977 Aborigines, settlers and police in the
Kimberleys 1887-1905. Based mainly on unpublished police records; relations between police, settlers and Aborigines; violent conflict and alleged theft of livestock; use of black trackers. Stud. West. Aust. History. No. 1, University of Western Australia, Perth.
Gill, A. 1983 Crime statistics and their interpretation in
Western Australia 1829-1902. In. Biles, D., ed. Review of Australian criminological research: papers from a Seminar. Sources of Aboriginal Crime statistics. Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Gill, A.W. 1973 Aspects of the Western Australian Police Force
1887-1905. Stud. West. Aust. History, University of Western Australia, Perth.
Glynn, J. 1980 Report of Collie Aboriginal Advancement
Association. MS Department of Aboriginal Affairs.
Goldsworthy, D.V. 1982 Aboriginal education: a citizen's rights course. Segment of Western Australian TAPE Aboriginal Access Courses in adult preparation for vocational training, employment. Aust. J. AdultEduc.
Gould, R.A. 1969 Subsistence Behaviour Among the Western Desert Aborigines of Australia. In Oceania Vol. 39, No.4 June pp. 253-274.
Gould, R.A. 1971 Use and Effects of Fire Among the Western
Desert Aborigines of Australia. In Mankind No. 8, pp.14-24.
953
Gracey, M. 1981 Diarrhoeal Disease in Aboriginal and non-
Aboriginal Infants and Young Children in Western Australia. Med. J. of Aust. 1:479.
Gracey, M. 1989 Community-Based Illness in Kimberley
Gunzburg, S. & Aborigines. East Kimberley Working Paper
Spargo, R.M. No. 26.
Gracey, M. & 1986 The Health of Kimberley Aborigines: A
Spargo, R.M. Personal 15-Year Perspective. East Kimberley
Working Paper No. 12.
Gracey, M. & 1987 The State of Health of Aborigines in the
Spargo, R.M. Kimberley Region. Med. J. of Aust.: 146:200-
204.
Gracey, M. 1984 Maternal and childhood nutrition among
Spargo, R.M. Aborigines of the Kimberley region. Med. J.
Bottrell, C. Aust. 2:135.
Hammond, K. Mullholland, K. & Valentine, J.
Gracey, M. 1988 Growth and Morbidity in Children in a Remote
Spargo, R.M. & Aboriginal Community in North-west
Roberts, D. Australia. Med. J. of Aust.: 148:68-71.
Graham, D. 1989 Dying Inside. Allen & Unwin Pty Ltd Sydney,
NSW.
Grassby, A & 1988 Six Australian Battlefields. Angus &
Hill, M. Robertson, North Ryde.
Gray, D. 1975 'Identity' Amongst the Carnarvon Reserve
Mob. Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Western Australia. Anthropology Dept
Gray, D. Isaacs, R. & n.d. Social Conditions and Aboriginal Alcohol Use Willaway, G. in Collie.
Gray, T. & 1989 Study of Teacher Attitudes to Aboriginal
Pratt, C. students. Department of Psychology,
University of Western Australia (unpublished paper).
Great Southern 1989 Strategic Plan for Aboriginal Education, Regional August.
College ofT AFE
Greeley, J. 1989 Alcohol and Human Behaviour. RCIADIC
Criminology Research Unit, Research Paper No. 14.
954
Green,N. 1979 Nyungar - The People. Creative Research,
Perth.
Green,N. 1981 Aborigines and Settlers, in CT Stannage (ed).
A New History of Western Australia, University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands Western Australia.
Green, N. 1983 Desert School. Fremantle Arts Press, Perth.
Green, N. 1984 Broken Spears. Aborigines and Europeans in
the southwest of Australia. Focus Educational Services, Perth.
Green, N.J. 1984 Nyungar past and present: a study in change in
an Aboriginal society. Western Australian Focus Educational Services, Cottesloe.
Gribble, E.R.B. 1930 Forty Years With The Aborigines. Sydney: Australian Board of Mission.
Gribble, J.B. 1886/ Dark Deeds in a Sunny Land: Blacks & Whites
1987 in North-West Australia. (2nd edition). University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Gunter, D.T. 1984 Policing in some Aboriginal communities: A
commentary on experiences in Central Australia and in the Kimberley in 1978 with particular reference to juveniles. In Swanton, B (ed). Aborigines and criminal justice: proceedings of a seminar. See manuscript
version for annotation. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Hacker, R.B. 1982 The Problems and Prospects of the Kimberley
Pastoral Industry. Technical Report 6, Division of Resource Management, Western Australian Department of Agriculture.
Haebich, A. 1982 'On the Inside': Moore River Settlement in the
1930's. In All That Dirt: Aborigines in 1938. Gammage, Wand Markus, A (eds). Australian National University Press, Canberra.
Haebich, A. 1982 The Aborigines Act 1905. Effect of Act on
Aborigines in southwest of Western Australia. W A College of Advanced Education, Mt Lawley.
Haebich, A. 1985 'A Bunch of Cast-Offs': Aborigines of the
South-West of Western Australia. Unpublished PhD, Murdoch University, Perth.
955
Haebich, A. 1988 For Their Own Good: Aborigines &
Government in South Western Australia University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Hall, R.R. 1989 The Black Diggers. Aborigines and Torres
Strait Islanders in the Second World War.
Hall, S. 1981 Notes on Deconstructing the Popular In
Peoples History and Socialist Theory, R.K.P. London.
Hall, S. 1982 The rediscovery of ideology: Return of the
repressed in media studies. In Gurevitch, Bennett, Curran and Woollacott eds. Culture Society and the Media, Methuen & Co., London.
Hall, S. 1981 The Social Production of News: Mugging in
Critcher, C. .the Media in The Manufacture of News',
Jefferson, T. Cohen, S. & Young, J. Constable, London.
Clarke, T. & Roberts, B.
Hallam, S.J. 1975 Fire and Hearth: A study of Aboriginal
usurpation in the South West of Australia. Australian Institute Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Hammond, J.E. 1933 Winjan's People: The Story of the South West Australian Aborigines. Imperial Print, Perth.
Hanks, P. & 1984 Aborigines and the Law. Essays in Memory of
Keon-Cohen, B. Elizabeth Eggleston. George Allen and Unwin,
Sydney.
Harkins and 1985 Review of the Aboriginal Legal Service in
Associates Western Australia, Perth.
Hanlon, A. 1969 Kimberley Drift. In Nation. No. 273,
26 July.
Harman, JJ. 1978 Western Australia. Parliament- Legislative
Assembly. Questions- Aboriginal Legal Service: misleading of Oombulgurri people. Evidence to support claim of misleading; entry permits to reserves. West. Aust. Pari. Debates. 6:1026, 1027-8. Perth.
956
Harman, JJ. 1979 Legislative Assembly - Questions - Police:
Aboriginal children incident (quest. 5,8). Incident at Perth Railway Station; tabling of report on incident; request for full report. West. Aust. Pari. Debates, Perth.
Harman, JJ. 1979 Legislative Assembly- Questions- Police:
Aboriginal offenders: hair cutting and chaining. (quest 1741). West. Aust. Pari. Debates, Perth.
Harris, S. 1980 Culture and Learning Tradition and Education
in Northeast Amhem Land; Professional Services Branch Northern Territory Department of Education.
Harris, S. 1982 Traditional Aboriginal Education Strategies and
Their Possible Place in a Modem, Bicultural School. In Aboriginal Education (Ed. John Sherwood), Creative Research, Perth.
Harris, S. 1988 Culture Boundaries, Culture Maintenance-in-
change, and two-way Aboriginal schools. Curriculum Perspectives, Vol. 8, No.2, Perth. Western Australia.
Harris, S. 1988 'Coming Up Level' without 'Losing
Themselves'. The Dilemma of Formal Tertiary Training for Aborigines. In Learning My Way, Papers from the National Conference on Adult Aboriginal Learning, Western Australian College of Advanced Education, Perth.
Harris, S. 1989 Culture Boundaries, Culture Maintenance-in-
Change, and Two-Way Aboriginal Schools, in The Aboriginal Child at School, Vol. 5.
Hartley, J. 1982 Understanding News, Methuen, London.
Hartmann, P. & 1974 Racism and the Mass Media. Davis-Poynter,
Husband, C. London.
Hartz-Karp, J. 1981 Women in constraints. In Mukherjee, S.K. &
Scutt J.A. eds. Women and crime. Aboriginal women and the criminal justice system in Western Australia. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Harvey, B. & 1988 Learning My Way. Papers compiled from the
McGinty, S. National Conference on Adult Aboriginal
Learning. A special edition of Wikaru 16 from the Institute of Applied Aboriginal Studies. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
957
Hasluck, P.M.C. 1947/ Black Australians: A Survey of Native Policy 1970 in Western Australia 1829- 1897. (2nd edition). Monash University Press, Melbourne.
Hawke, S. 1979 Blacks stand up: Fitzroy Crossing. Conflict
between traditional law and European law; effects of award wages; mining at Noonkanbah; police-Aboriginal relations; Christmas Creek assault case. Legal Service Bulletin.
Hawke, S. & 1989 Noonkanbah. Fremantle Arts Press, Perth.
Gallagher, M.
Haynes, B.T. 1972 Western Australian Aborigines 1622-1972. Barrett, History Association of Western Australia,
Brennan, A. & Perth.
Brennan, L.
Hayward, L. & 1988 Petrol sniffing in Western Australia. An
Kickett, M. analysis of morbidity and mortality in 1981-6
and the prevalence of petrol sniffing in Aboriginal children in the western desert region in 1987. The West Australian Drug Data Collection Unit, Health Department of Western Australia. Occasional Paper 32, Perth.
Hazelhurst, K.M. 1985 Reflections on the Syddall/Hoddinott Western Aboriginal Justice of the Peace debate: a submission to the Australian Law Reform Commission. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Hazelhurst, K.M. 1987 Widening the middle ground: the development of community based options. In Hazlehurst, K.M. Ivory scales: Black Australia and the criminal justice system. NSW Uni. Press in assoc. with the Australian Institute of Criminology, Kensington.
Hazelhurst, K.H. 1986 Aboriginal criminal justice: a bibliographical lvey, S.E. & guide. Australian Institute of Criminology.
Hill, L.K.
Health Department of 1990 A Plan for Health. Strategy Plan of the Health Western Australia Department of Western Australia 1989-90.
Health Depart:nent of 1990 Aboriginal Environmental Health Programme, Western Australia The Employment of Aboriginal Environmental Health Workers: Future Directions.
958
Health Department of 1990 A Plan for Health, HDW A. Western Australia
Health Issues Centre 1988 Health Issues September.
Hedges, J.B. 1986 A report prepared for the Minister with Special
Responsibility for Aboriginal Affairs. Community Justice Systems and Alcohol Control. Recommendations relating to the Aboriginal Communities Act and Dry Area Legislation in Western Australia.
Henderson, M.H. 1979 Socialisation of Nyungar Children in Metropolitan families of Perth, Western Australia, Department of Anthropology.
Henningham, J. 1989 Why and How Journalists Should Be
Professionalised: Australian Journalism Review, Vol. 11.
Heppell, M. 1976 Looma: A West Australian Housing
Commission Aboriginal Village Scheme, December. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Housing Panel Inc. Canberra.
Heppell, M. 1979 A Black Reality: Aboriginal camps and
housing in remote Australia. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Heppell, M. & 1977 Desert homeland centres: Their physical
Wigley, J. development August, Occasional Report No.4
of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Housing Panel Inc, Canberra.
Hewett, H. n.d. Homemaker services - scope and future of the
Homemaker Service, Department for Community Welfare.
Hewett, T. 1989 Who's backing who?: the Western Australian
challenge to the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. State government funding for chal lenge to Royal Commission by Western Australian Police and Prison Officers; Unions. 1989 Vol. 2, No.
36:4, Aboriginal Law Bulletin.
Hiatt, L. (ed). 1984 Aboriginal Landowners: Contemporary issues
in the determination of Traditional Aboriginal Land ownership. Oceania Monograph 27.
959
Hitchcock, J.K. 1927 Fremantle, 1829-49. Mention of violence between Aborigines and settlers; native prison at Rottnest 1838; Aboriginals in Fremantle Walyalup'. J. Proc. West Australian Historical Society, Perth.
Hoddinott, A. 1985 That's 'Gardia' business: an evaluation of the Aboriginal Justice of the Peace scheme in Western Australia. (Unpublished report)
Hoddinott, A. 1985 Aboriginal justices of the peace and public law. Justice programmes for Aboriginal and other indigenous communities. In (ed) K.M. Hazelhurst. Discusses the Aboriginal JP scheme in Kimberley district; problems of conflict between tribal law & the Aboriginal Communities Act Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Hodson, S. 1989 Nyungars and Work: Aboriginal Labour in the Great Southern Region Western Australia 1936-1972. Unpublished M.A. thesis. Department of Anthropology, University of Western Australia.
Hohnen, M. 1987 The Rainbow and the Crock of Gold. Paper to the Australian National University Public Affairs Conference on Aborigines and Development in the East Kimberley, Kununurra: unpublished.
Holding, A.C. 1980 Australia, Parliament - House of Representatives. Questions- Western Australian election: Aboriginal Legal Service (quest. 5534). Attempts to deprive Aborigines of their right to vote; ALS endeavouring to ensure ability to cast votes; role of ALS.
Holman, C.D.J. 1986 Health and disease in the Aboriginal population Quadros, C.F. of the Kimberley region of Western Australia. 1980-1985. Health Dept. WA, Perth.
Holman, C.D.J. 1987 Occurrence and Distribution of Hepatitis B. Quadros, C.F. Infection in the Aboriginal Population of
B ucens, M.R. & Western Australia.
Reid, P.M.
Hookey, J. 1990 RCIADIC Discussion Paper No. 3, Aboriginal Deaths in Custody: International Law Issues, the Aboriginal Law Centre, UNSW.
960
House of 1985 Protection of Bungle Bungle. Australian
Representatives Government Publishing Service, Canberra.
Standing Committee
House of 1979 Commissioner for Community Relations
Representatives Office. Field report on anti-Aboriginal
Standing Committee discrimination in Carnarvon, Perth and Pingelly. Published as Appendix F to the Report of the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs into Aboriginal Health. Canberra
Houston, S. 1987 Aboriginal Health Efforts - Making the Jigsaw
Fit. In 'Options for Action in Court Health Proceedings.' ACHA. E. Kirby-Eaton, J. Bowies, (eds).
Howard, D. 1982 Nulungu Employment Survey. Nulungu
Catholic College, Broome
Howard, M.C. 1980 Aboriginal Society in South Western Australia. In Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present. R.M. & C.H. Berndt University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Howard, M.C. 1981 Nyoongah Politics: Aboriginal Politics in South Western Australia. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Howard, M.C. 1982 Aboriginal Brokerage and Political Development in South-Western Australia. In Aboriginal Power in Australian Society. pp 159-183. University of Queensland Press, St Lucia.
Howitt, R. 1990 'All They Get Is The Dust': Aborigines,
Mining & Regional Restructuring in Western Australia's Eastern Goldfields. Report for the RCIADIC, Broome. (Research Paper 5)
Howitt, R. 1989 Resource Development and Aborigines: The
case ofRoebourne 1960-1980. Australian Geographical Studies, October.
Howroyd, L.H. 1973 Laverton : A Town Planning Submission for the re-development of Laverton, Technic 10. Perth.
Hubble, D. 1982 Alternatives for Aboriginal Teacher Education, in Aboriginal Education, (Ed John Sherwood), Creative Research, Perth.
961
Hudson, J. 1983 Grammatical and Semantic aspects of Fitzroy
Valley Kriol. Work Papers of SIL-AAB. Series 8, Vol.8. Darwin: Summer Institute of Linguistics, Australian Aborigines Branch.
Hudson, J. 1984 Kriol or English: An unanswered question in
the Kimberleys. Paper presented at 54th ANZAAS Congress, ANU, Canberra.
Huegel, F. & 1990 This is Your Place. Beagle Bay Mission 1890-
Nailon,B. 1990.
Huelin, J.R. 1977 Report of John Huelin. Aboriginal Legal
Service of W A Relations and procedures in England for possible application to W A police/ Aboriginal relations, similarities of multi-racial societies, discrimination, and unequal opportunities
Huelin, J.R. 1989 On the Road to Equality: Post-war Politics and
Law Relating to the Aboriginal People of Western Australia.
Huffer, V. 1980 The Sweetness of the Fig: Aboriginal women
in transition. University of NSW Press, Sydney.
Higgins, J. 1989 "Miminis, kudgerie, kungas and tiddas". An
Australian Aboriginal woman's experience in finding common ground. First Indigenous Women's Conference. 7-18 July, Adelaide.
Hughes, P. & 1990 A Thousand Teachers by 1990. In Aboriginal
Wilmott, E. Education, (Ed John Sherwood), Creative
Research, Perth.
Human Rights and 1989 Our homeless children. AGPS, Canberra. Equal Opportunity Commission
Human Rights and 1990 Transcript of Proceedings of the Inquiry into Equal Opportunity Racist Violence, Perth, 29 November.
Commission
Human Rights and 1990 Community Relations in Geraldton, Western Equal Opportunity Australia. National Inquiry Into Racist
Commission Violence. February.
962
Hunt, M.W. 1982
Hunt, S. 1986
Hunt, SJ. 1978
Hunt, SJ. 1979
Hunter, E.M. 1988
Hunter, E.M. 1988
Hunter, E.M. 1989
Idriess, I.L. 1952
Imrie, J.H. 1975
International n.d.
Labour Organisation
International working 1989 group on indigenous population
Jacobs, P. 1990
The Legislation Relating to Aboriginal Land Rights in Western Australia with particular reference to mining and petroleum exploration. Paper to Conference on Aboriginal Land Rights, Australian Mining and Petroleum Law Association Adelaide: (unpublished).
Spinifex and hessian. Women in north-west Australia, 1860-1900. Silex Enterprise and Printing Co., Hong Kong.
An investigation into relations between Aboriginal women and colonial authority in Western Australia's north: towards a historical perspective 1885-1905. Women and Law Conference, Sydney. Fremantle.
Aboriginal women and colonial authority, northwestern Australia 1885-1905. In Mackinolty, J. & Radi, H. eds. In pursuit of justice: Australian women and the law 1788-
1979.
Gordian Knots and Nooses, Aboriginal Suicides in the Kimberley. ANZJP. 22.264;271.
Aboriginal Suicides in Custody: A View of the Kimberley. ANZ Journal of Psychiatry Vol. 22 September, 1988.
Commissions and omissions: the wider context of Aboriginal suicides in custody. Med. J. Aust.
Outlaws of the Leopolds. Angus & Robertson, Sydney.
Decentralized Aboriginal housing - Roeboume. A study prepared on behalf of the State Housing Commission. August.
Convention No. 169 Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples. A question of ratification. Aboriginal Law Centre, UNSW.
Report by Sub-Commission on Protection of Minorities Working Group on Indigenous Populations (seventh session).
Mr Neville. University of Western Australia Press.
963
Jakubowicz, A. 1990 Racism, Racist Violence & the Media. A
report to the Hwnan Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission - National Inquiry into Racist Violence. University of Technology, Sydney, February.
James, C. 1988 The Predicament of Culture. Harvard
University Press.
Jebb, M.A. 1984 The Dorre and Lock Hospitals. In European-
Aboriginal Relations. Studies in Western Australian History. Reece R. & C.T. Stannage (eds) (pp.68-87).
Jennett, C. 1983 White Media Rituals about Aborigines. Media
Information Australia, No. 30, November.
Jewell, T. 1988 Improving Aboriginal/Police: A Review of the
Forrest, T. & Roebourne Research Project. Special
Chadbourne, T. Government Committee on Aboriginal/Police
and Community Relations, Perth.
Johnston, P.W. 1990 The repeals of Section 70 of the Western Australian Constitution Act 1889: Aborigines and Governmental Breach of Trust. (Unpublished paper).
Johnston, R.A. 1983 We, Understanding the Psychology of Romantic Love. Harper and Row.
Joint Kimberley 1975 Report on Education in the Kimberleys, Research Project August.
Jones, H.I. 1980 Intestinal parasite infections in Western
Australian Aborigines. Med. J. Ausl 2:375.
Jones, R.E. 1973 Royal Commission upon various allegations of
assaults on or brutality to prisoners in Fremantle prison and of discrimination against Aboriginal or part-Aboriginal prisoners therein and upon certain other matters touching that prison, its inmates and staff, Aboriginal inmates, security and staff provisions etc. Government Printer, Perth.
Jull, P. 1990 Self-management and local government in
Aboriginal North America Research Paper prepared for the RCIADIC, Adelaide.
Juvenile Justice 1990 Conference convened by Commissioner D J Conference O'Dea to discuss juvenile justice issues. July.
Perth.
964
Kaatijin Nyoongah 1989 Retention Rates of Nyoongah Secondary Advisory Committee Students in the south of Western Australia. Phase One Report, Bunbury Institute of Advanced Education.
Kamien, M. 1980 The Aboriginal Australian Experience. In N.F.
Stanley and RA Joske (eds). Changing Disease Patterns and Human Behaviour. Academic Press, London.
Kay, A.E. 1978 Committee of Inquiry appointed to Inquire into
and Report on Various Aspects of the Electoral Act of Western Australia 1907-1976.
Keefe, J.B. 1980 Debates - Aboriginal land and Western
Australian election - Aborigines. Noonkanbah pastoral lease; mining at station; wine to Kitja people at Turkey Creek Creek; Amax history and holdings and interests; statement by J. Bieundurry ofNAC and Kimberley Land Council; protection of sites at Noonkanbah; racial prejudice; Aboriginal control of entry of alcohol into communities; Aboriginal Legal Service. Weekly Hansard, Perth.
Kennedy, B. 1988 Learning from the 'other': an account of what
has been learned by a group of Christians in solidarity with Aborigines. Unpublished Master of Education thesis. Centre for Comparative and International Studies in Education, LaTrobe University.
Keversten, S. 1987 Guidelines for Research into Social Impacts Deriving from Non-Aboriginal Developments on Aboriginal Land. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 15.
Kimberley Catholic 1988 Two Way Learning, Language and Culture in Education Language Schools.
Team
Kimberley Land 1984 A preliminary indication of the effects of the Council & National Argyle Diamond Mine on Aboriginal
Aboriginal Conference communities in the region. Draft paper prepared for Kimberley Land Council and National Aboriginal Conference. Kununurra, Western Australia, July.
965
Kimberley Pastoral 1985 An Industry and Government report on the Industry Inquiry problems and future of the Kimberley Pastoral
Industry. Kimberley Region Planning Study 1987. Working Paper 1-8. Perth: State Planning Commission and Department of Regional Development and the North West.
King, M. 1987 How to make social crime prevention work.
The French experience. Law Department, Brunei University, France.
King, P.P. 1969 Narrative of a Survey of the Inter-tropical and
Western Coasts of Australia 1818-1822. Reproduced by the Libraries Board of South Australia from a copy held in the State Library of South Australia, Adelaide Libraries Board of South Australia.
King, R.A. 1985 Dietary patterns of Aboriginal children in the
Smith, R.M. & Kimberley. Proceedings of the Nutrition
Spargo, R.M. Society of Australia 10:173.
Kirkby, I. & n.d. Purnululu Aboriginal Corporation and the
Williams, N. National Park. East Kimberley Working
Paper.
Kolig, E. 1975 A Report on the Aboriginal Population of
Fitzroy Crossing with special reference to its Political Structure, Aspirations and Housing Needs. Typescript results of a survey commissioned by the State Housing Commission of Western Australia, Anthropology Department, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand.
Kolig, E. 1977 From Tribesmen to Citizen? Change and
Continuity in Social Identities among South Kimberley Aborigines. In Aborigines and Change: Australia in the 70's. R.M. Berndt (ed), Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Kunnen, N. & 1987 Options for supported accommodation and Barrow, R. services in isolated and remote areas of Western
Australia. Discussion paper commissioned by the West Australian Department for Community Services for the West Australian Council of Social Service. September.
Ladbrook, D. 1985 A Disadvantaged Youth in an Isolated Region,
Towards a Youth Policy for the Eastern Pilbara, Hedland College, February.
%6
Langton, M. 1980 Western Australia: "democracy" at work
(Kimberley elections and Aboriginal postal votes). Woroni.
Langton, M. 1982 Urbanising Aborigines: The social scientists
great deception. Social Alternatives:2
Langton, M. 1983 Mter the tent embassy: Images of Aboriginal
History in Black and White photographs. V aladon Publishing
Langton, M. 1990 Too Much Sorry Business. The Submission of
the Northern Territory Aboriginal Issues Unit of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody to Commissioner Elliott Johnston, Q.C., July.
Lanhypuy, W. 1982 Aboriginal perspective of the land and its
resources. In Berndt R.M. (ed) Aboriginal Sites, Rights and Resource Development: 53-58 Perth: UW A.
Law Reform 1986 The Recognition of Aboriginal Customary
Commission Laws, Report No. 31, AGPS, Canberra.
Law Reform 1987 Sentencing: Penalties. AGPS, Canberra.
Commission
Law Reform 1989 Discussion Paper on Police Act Offences.
Commission of Project No 85, May, Government Printer,
Western Australia, Perth.
Law Reform 1989 Report on Incitement to Racial Hatred, (toW A
Commission of Attorney General), LRC of W A, October.
Western Australia, Government Printer, Perth.
Lewis, S. 1983 Aborgines and rape- a preliminary study in
Western Australia. Review of Australian criminological research: papers from a seminar. Stereotypes of Aboriginal rapists and judicial handling; common characteristics;
influence of alcohol and social setting of the crime. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Liberman, K. 1977 Ambiguity and gratuitous concurrence in cross-modal communication Discusses ambiguity between European-Australians and Aborigines (especially Western Desert); strategies used for coping with and manipulating ambiguity in conversations.
967
Liberman, K. 1980 The praxis of Aborigines in Australian courts of law. University of California, San Diego.
Liberman, K. 1980 Ambiguity and gratuitous concurrence in inter-cultural communication. Human Studies.
Liberman, K. 1981 Understanding Aborigines in Australian courts of law. In Human Organisation: Journal of the society for applied anthropology. Vol. 40:3.
Liberman, K. 1985 Understanding interaction in central Australia: an ethnomethodological study of Australian Aboriginal people. Boston, Routledge & Kegal Paul.
Lippman, L. 1979 Commissioner for Community Relations
Office. Report on anti-Aboriginal discrimination in Perth, Pingelly and Carnarvon.
Lippmann, L. 1981 Generations of resistance: The Aboriginal struggle for justice. Longman Cheshire, Melbourne.
Lipscombe, P. 1989 Just one of the players: the provision of
community services. Department for Community Services, Perth.
Lipscombe, P. 1989 Walking the tightrope: rights and
responsibility in the welfare system. Department for Community Services, Perth.
Local Government 1989 Proposed new local Government Act, principles Department of and issues. Minister for Local Government.
Local Government 1989 Report of the Project on Remote Aboriginal Department of Communities and Local Government August.
Long, J.P.M. 1985 From the Commissioner for Community
Relations: minorities and the local government franchise. Human Rights.
Long, T. 1980 The Development of Governmental Aboriginal
Policy: The Effect of Administrative Changes 1829-1977. In Aborigines of the West- Their Past and Their Present, R.M. & C.H. Berndt (eds). University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
968
Lorimer, F. 1990 A Commentary on Psychiatric Assessments of
Aboriginal Abnonnal Behaviour for the RCIADIC, Canberra.
LovedayP., 1986 The West Australian State election 1986 and
Janensch, D. & the Aboriginal vote in the Kimberley. Social
Sanders, W. and historical background; voting patterns and
tribal identification; understanding of elections; attitudes to land rights, mining, Ernie Bridge and NAC. Australian National University Press, Canberra
Lower, H.J. 1988 Recovery of Traditional Aboriginal Family
Systems: Adaption or Assimilation? Healthy Aboriginal Life Team (HALT), Paper delivered at: Alcohol, Other Drugs and the Family, International Congress, Sydney University
Lowe, P. 1984 Misfits: Aboriginal Culture and Prison In
Swanton B (ed), Aborigines and Criminal Justice : proceedings of a seminar. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Lowe, P. 1985 The RelevanCe of Imprisonment In
Hazlehurst, K. (ed) Justice Programs for Aboriginal and other Indigenous Communities. Case histories of prisoners; contemporary tribal punishment Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Lowe, P. 1990 The Meal Allowance in Western Australia.
Report for the RCIADIC, Broome. (Research Paper 1)
Lowe, P. & 1990 Jilji. Magabala Books, Broome.
Pike, J.
McCann, D. 1978 WA Mining Warden's Court. Mineral Claims
by C.R.A. Exploration Pty. Ltd. (and) Objections by Noonkanbah Pastoral Company and Others: Aboriginal life style, culture & sacred sites endangered by mining activity; Aboriginal relationship to the land. Broome.
McConvell, P. 1986 Kija sounds and spelling Warnnan (Turkey Creek): Ngalanganpum school.
McConnochie, K. 1982 Aborigines and Australian Education: Historical Perspectives, in Aboriginal Education (Ed. John Sherwood), Creative Research, Perth.
McCormish, M.J. 1972 Prevalence of diabetes in Aboriginal lepers: the Derby survey. Med. J. Aust. 2:135.
969
McCorquodale, J. 1985 Aborigines: A History of Law and Injustice 1829-1985. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Sydney.
McCorquodale, J. 1985 The myth of mateship: Aborigines and employment. In the journal of industrial relations. March 1985.
McCorquodale, J. 1987 Aborigines and the Law: A digest, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
McCotter, D. 1981 Children in Limbo: An Investigation into the
Circumstances and Needs of Children in Long-Term Care in Western Australia.
McDonald, E. 1977 Perth's Aboriginal Housing Crisis. In Shelter
(3).
McDonald, E.M. 1981 Up before the judge: perspectives of juvenile defendants on the children's court system. Department of Community Welfare, Perth.
McDonald, G .L. & 1975 Report of the Aboriginal Legal Service Brennan, G.F. concerning the events surrounding an incident
at Skull Creek on 5 January 1975. Report indicates Aboriginal involvement & places full blame on police.
McGrath, A. 1987 Born in the Cattle: Aborigines in cattle
country. Allen & Unwin, Sydney.
McGregor, W. 1986 Handbook of Kimberley Languages. (Preliminary Draft) Broome: Kimberley Language Resource Centre.
Mcintosh, G.D. 1980 Parliament - Senate. Questions - Postal votes: Western Australian elections. Interrogation of postal voters; enforcement of Racial Discrimination Act Weekly Hansard, Perth.
Mcintyre, R.F. 1974 Report on Aboriginal Housing and
Accommodation in the Towns of Kalgoorlie and Boulder. Kalgoorlie.
Me Kenna,C & 1978 Somewhere Between Black & White. Palmer, K. MacMillan, Sydney.
McLeod, D. 1987 How the West Was Lost
970
McMichael, A. 1987 Poverty, Unemployment and Health. Some Australian Data and Some Reflections on Social Policy. In Options for Action in Community Health. ACHA.
McNeilly, J. 1983 Infectious disease in Aboriginal infants and
Cicchini, C. children in Western Australia. Med. J. Aust.
Oliver, D. & 2:547.
Gracey, M.
Macumba, J. & 1980 A reply from the Central Australian Media
Batty, P. Association. Media Information Australia, No.
18, November.
Maddock,K. 1982 The Australian Aborigines A portrait of their
society. Penguin.
Mahon, H. 1905 The West Australian Black. General Summary
of treatment by Aborigines; lack of Government and legal protection; advocates land grants. Austral. Ltd.
Main Roads 1988 The role of the Main Roads Department. Paper
Department of presented to the Local Government Association
of Western Australia Seminar for New Councillors, May.
Makin, C.F. 1970 People of Aboriginal descent in Western
Australia: A socio-economic anthropological survey of people of Aboriginal descent in the metropolitan region of Western Australia. Unpublished PhD. University of Western
Australia.
Makin, C.F. 1970 Socio-economic survey of Aboriginal people in
Perth. Unpublished manuscript.
Maller, M . 1982 Imprisonment of Aborigines in North Western
Australia. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 15, 26-46.
Malone, J .A., 1990 Report to the Australian Research Council on a
Taylor, P.C. & Pilot Project to Determine the Factors
Slater, C. Influencing the Participation, Retention and
Achievement of Aboriginal Students in Secondary Mathematics, Curtin University of Technology. (Unpublished paper.)
Maloney, J. 1972 When is an Aboriginal not one? When he's a
conscript. Vol.l, No.8, May/July: 14-15. (Para. 445). From the Australian (December 15, 1971 , June 24, 1972), and the Sun Pictorial (June 22, 1972).
971
Mann, C. 1989 Aboriginal prisoners design their own
curriculum. 17 (3): 24-35. Experience of author as Education Officer, Fremantle Prison; literacy program, rationale, book publishing project
Marchant, L.R. 1953 Native administration in Western Australia, 1886-1905. M.A. Thesis. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Marchant, L.R. 1981 Aboriginal administration in Western Australia 1886-1905. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Matthews, B. 1983 Tape deposited with Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies by H. Ross (No. 83/1)
Marchant, L.R. 1981 Aboriginal administration in Western Australia, 1886-1905. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Marika- 1990 Yalmay, The History of the Yirrkala
MununggiritJ, R., Community School: Yolnu thinking about
Maymuru, B., Education in the Laynha and Yirrkala area.
Mununggurr, M., Paper presented to the AlA TSIS 1990
Munyarryun, B., Conference 'Remote Aboriginal Community
Ngurruwutthun, G., & Futures', Townsville, July.
Yunupingu, Y.
Marks, S.K. 1960 Mission Policy in Western Australia 1846-
1949. University Studies in Western Australian History, 3:60-116.
Marshall, P. (ed) 1988 Raparapa: All right, now we go longside the river. Magabala Books, Broome
Martin, M. & 1983 Aborigines and the Criminal Law: A study of
Newby, L. summary Criminal Courts in two country
towns in south-west. Australia Paper delivered to ANZAAS Conference 1983.
Martin, M. & 1984 Aborigines in Summary Courts in Western
Newby,L. Australia. A regional study. Preliminary
report on selected findings. In Swanton, B. (ed). Aborigines and Criminal Justice. Canberra Institute of Criminology.
Martin, M.A. 1976 Department of Corrections. Psychology and
Research Section. Alcohol and Aboriginal Imprisonments rates. West Perth.
(}72
Mayman, J. 1988 The issues Western Australia still won't face.
Western Australian Government report on Black deaths in custody; 6 of 32 recommended reforms in custodial practice adopted by State Cabinet; recommendation to restrict neck holds ignored; implications of prisoners' meal allowance system; Western Australian high Aboriginal incarceration rate.
Maze, W.H. 1945 Settlement in the Eastern Kimberleys, Western
Australia. Australian Geographer. 5(1): 1-19.
Meadows,M. 1987 People Power: Reporting or racism. Australian Journalism Review, Vol. 9, Nos. 1 & 2, January- December.
Meagher, SJ. 1973 A Reconstruction of the Traditonal Life of The Aborigines of the South West of Western Australia. Unpublished MA thesis. University of Western Australia Anthropology Department.
Michaels, E. 1986 Aboriginal Invention of Television. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Mickler, S. 1990 Curators and the Colony: Managing the Past at
Rottnest Island Museum. Continuum, 3: 1.
Mills, J. 1989 Report on review of the Congress Alukura
pilot health programme Alice Springs. Department of Health and Community Services, Northern Territory.
Milne, C. 1982 Aboriginal children in substitute care. In
principal report, Part 1, Aboriginal children's research project Family and Children's Services Agency, Haymarket
Mohan, A. 1978 Housing for tribal Aborigines in Western
Australia: The village concept. In Architecture in Australia, Vol. 68, May pp.40-42.
Mohan, A. n.d. Aboriginal Settlements, typescript, State
Housing Commission, Western Australia.
Moizo, B. 1989 Political Participation and CDEP in the Fitzroy
Valley. In Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies Journal.
Moore, G.F. 1884 Diary of ten years eventful life of an early
settler in Western Australia. Wallbrook, London.
973
Morgan, H.M. 1982 The mining industry and Aborigines. In Berndt RM (ed), Aboriginal Sites, Rights and Resource Development pp 177-179. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Morgan, S. 1987 My place. Fremantle Press, Perth.
Morrison, A. 1982 Aboriginal Studies and Teacher Education. In Aboriginal Education (Ed. John Sherwood) Creative Research, Perth.
Moseley, H.D. 1935 Report of the Royal Commission in relation to
the condition and treabnent of Aborigines, Western Australian Parliamentary votes and proceedings, Vol. 1, No. 2.
Mowbray, M. 1986 State control or self-regulation? On the
political economy of local government in remote Aboriginal townships. In Australian Aboriginal Studies Journal, No.2.
Mowbray, M. 1990 Mainstreaming as assimilation in the Northern Territory. Unpublished paper presented at Remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Community Futures Conference. Townsville.
Mowry, B. n.d. The diagnosis of schizophrenia in a sample of
Aboriginal patients. Graylands Hospital, Perth. (Unpublished manuscript.)
Muirhead, J.H. 1988 A new orientation. Australian Society, August 1988.
Muirhead, J .H. 1988 RCIADIC Interim Report. AGPS, Canberra.
Mukherjee, S. 1990 Crime and Justice in Australia. Australian
Neuhaus, D. & Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Walker, J.
Nathan, P. & 1983 Health Business. Victoria, Heineman.
Japanangka D.L.
National Aboriginal 1989 Joint Policy Statement. As endorsed by the and Torres Strait governments of: The Commonwealth of
Islander Education Australia, The States of NSW, Vic, Qld, SA,
Policy Tas, W A, ACT and NT. Produced by the
Department of Employment, Education and Training.
National Aboriginal 1989 A national Aboriginal health strategy. Health Strategy Australian Government Printing Service,
Working Party Canberra.
974
National Resources 1976 Ord Irrigation Project Western· Australia: An Department of Outline of its History, Resources & Progress.
Canberra. AGPS.
Native Affairs 1969 Legal Representation for Aborigines: notes for Western Australia guidance of field officers on departmental
Department of policies, explanatory notes on types of courts
& hearings, procedure, behaviour in court. Perth.
Native Welfare 1957 West Australian Department of Native Department of Welfare. Document of citizenship (issued to)
Molly Anderson. 24 April 1957. Perth.
Neville. A.O. 1947 Australia's coloured minority. Currawong
Publishing Company, Sydney.
Newsom, J. 1988 Communications Update, No. 35, July.
Communications Law Centre, UNSW.
Newton, J .E. 1977 Aborigines and the criminal justice system.
Published in Crime and Justice in Australia. Australian Institute of Criminology Canberra.
Noble, G. & 1984 Anticipating AUSSA T with Trepidation,
Else good, P . Television Related Differences in Political
Knowledge and Lifestyle Aspirations Amongst Northern Territory Aborigines', Media Information Australia, No. 34.
Northern Australian 1989 The concept 'community' in Aboriginal Development Unit policies and service delivery. NADU/DSS,
Darwin.
Northern Australian 1990 Where to now? Department of Social Security Development Unit payments and Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander Communities in North Australia. NADU/DSS, Darwin.
Nulungu Catholic 1986 Survey of ex-Student Girls, An evaluation of College, Broome curriculum and employment, conducted by Year 11 students and Br Don Wedd. O'Brien, J. 1960 A history of Western Australia.
O'Brien, M. 1989 History of Aboriginal Education in Western
Australia. Statement to the RCIADIC, Western Australia.
O'Connor, R & 1988 Report on the Alcohol
Associates Treatment/Rehabilitation Programmes Review
and Consultation, W AADA.
975
Office of the Family 1988 Families in focus in Western Australia. Government Printer, Perth.
O'Neill, D .F. 1985 Aboriginal Morbidity and Mortality in Western
Australia. Planning and Research Branch, Public Health Department of W A, Perth.
Palmer, K. & n.d. In Dixon R.A. and Dillon M.C. (eds).
Williams, N. Aborigines and Diamond Mining: The Politics
of Resource Development in the East Kimberley. University of Western Australia Press. Perth.
Papandreou, N., 1980 An experimental investigation of some factors McDonald, S.E. & influencing the pre-sentence report. Aust. NZ.
Landauer, A.A. J. Criminology.
Parker, D. 1972 The Criminality of Aborigines in Western
Australia. Unpublished report of two years research project conducted for the Department of Native Welfare in Western Australia. 1970-1972.
Parker, D. 1974 The pattern of Aboriginal offences. Paper
presented to Research Seminar on Aborigines and the Law, July. Monash University, Centre for Research in Aboriginal Affairs. Melbourne
Parker, D. 1977 Social Agents as Generators of Crime In
Berndt, RM (ed) Aborigines and Change: Australia in the '70's. Law enforcement and administration of justice involving Aborigines; stereotypes of Aborigines as amplifiers of deviant behaviour. Nedlands
Parker, D. 1987 The administration of justice and its penal
consequences. In Hazlehurst, K.M. ed. Ivory scales: Black Australia and the law. Crime rates, imprisonment in Western Australia, Aboriginal legal services; cultural, language differences prejudice, discrimination; uses Queen v Mary Nanji as example. NSW Uni. Press in assoc. with the Aust. Inst of Criminology.
Parliament of 1894 Legislative Council. Report on Rotblest Prison
Western Australia for the year 1893. Includes names, offence,
length of sentence and area of origin of all Aboriginal prisoners on Rottnest. Government Printer, Perth.
976
Parsons, G. n.d. Black Chattels. Surveys Aboriginal/white
relations and gives a number of cases of injustices, culminating in treatment of Donald McLeod, and his attempt to found the Pilbara co-operative. National Council for Civil Liberties.
Pederson, H. 1984 Pigeon: An Aboriginal Rebel. Studies in
Western Australian History.
Pentony, P. 1986 Conciliation under the Racial Discrimination
Act 1975: A study in theory and practice. Occasional Paper No. 15, Human Rights Commission, Canberra.
Peterson, N. 1976 Tribes and boundaries in Australia. Australian
Institute of Aboriginal Studies Press.
Peterson, N. & 1982 Aborigines, Land and Land Rights. Institute of Langton, M. Aboriginal Studies Press. Canberra.
Petrol Sniffing State 1989 A review of the community problem-solving Working Party On programme, 1988.
Police Force, 1989 The Police response to a discussion paper on
Western Australia Police Act offences. Commissioner Bull.
Radford, A.J. et al. 1990 Taking Control: A Joint Study of Aboriginal Social Health Care. Flinders University of South Australia.
Raynor, M. 1990 Hating your neighbour. A paper delivered to
the Australian Press Council seminar:. University of Western Australia. March.
Review Committee 1985 The Quality of Education. Australian Capital into Aboriginal Territory.
Education, report of the
Royal Australian 1990 Draft Position Statement, Psychiatric Services and New Zealand for Aboriginal People.
College of Psychiatrists
Reece, R. 1984 Laws of the White People: The Frontier of
Authority in Perth in 1838. European-Aboriginal Relations in Western Australia. (No. 17) Reece, Rand Stannage, CT (eds). University of Western Australia Press, Perth
977
Reece, R. & 1984 European-Aboriginal Relations in Western Stannage, C.T. Australia (No. 17). University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Reed, C.J. 1977 Survey of Health Related Matters in the South-West of Western Australia. MS. Community and Child Health Services.
Reid, J. 1982 Body, Land & Spirit: Health & Healing in
Aboriginal Society. University of Queensland of Press St Lucia.
Reilly, J. 1903 Reminiscings of fifty years residence in
Western Australia. New Norcia Mission; treatment of Aborigines at Broome; conflict between settlers and Aborigines; the native question; Beagle bay Mission established at King Sound; Aborigines Protection Board; provisions for Aborigines in Western Australia Constitution; Royal Commission on native welfare proposed. Sands & McDougall Perth.
Reser, J. 1976 A Matter of Control: Aboriginal Housing
Circumstances in Remote Communities and Settlements, September, Research Document No. 76(2041, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies Newsletter, Canberra.
Reser, J. 1979 A Matter of Control: Aboriginal Housing
Circumstances in Remote Communities and Settlements. In Heppell, M. (ed). A Black Reality: Remote Aboriginal Housing. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Reser, J. 1989 Aboriginal Deaths in Custody and Social
Construction: A response to the view that there is no such thing as Aboriginal suicide. Australian Aboriginal Studies. No. 2.
Reynolds, H. 1981 The Other Side Of The Frontier: Aboriginal Resistance To The European Invasion of Australia. Penguin Ringwood.
Riley, R. 1990 Letter of complaint to the Australian Press
Council regarding a page one article in the West Australian, 28 February 1990 issue. 19 April 1990.
978
Roberts, J.P. 1980 Report on the legal case of Janine Roberts and
Lyn McLeavy, arrested for being on Aboriginal reserve lands (Oombulgurri, Western Australia) without governmental permission. Survival International.
Roberts, L. 1985 Current Developments in Aboriginal/Police
relations in Western Australia. In Hazelhurst, K. {ed). Justice Programs for Aboriginal and Other Indigenous Communities. Canberra Institute of Criminology. Includes reference to
the Strelley group and the relationship between traditional authority and the police. Australian Institute of Criminology Canberra.
Roberts, L. 1986 Aboriginal/Police Relations in the Pilbara: A
Chadbourne, R. Study of Perceptions. Australian Criminology
& Murray, R. Research Council and Western Australian
Special Cabinet Committee on Aboriginal/Police and Community Relations, Perth.
Robinson, M. 1967 Barton's Mill: A Social Anthropological Study of Medium Security Prison and Aboriginal Prisoners. Unpublished honours thesis. Anthropology Department. University of Western Australia, Perth.
Robinson, M.V. 1985 Meeting the requirements of the Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972. Paper to Western Australian Chambers of Mines Seminar, the role of the Government in the Development of our Mineral Resources, Perth.
Robinson, M.V. 1976 Aboriginal Population of Western Australia with Special Reference to Perth. An occasional paper: Planning and Research Unit, Department for Community Welfare, Perth.
Robinson, M.V. 1980 Local Organization and Kinship in North Dampier Land. In Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present, R.M. & C.H. Berndt (eds).University of Western Australia Press.
Robinson, M.V. 1977 An Accommodation Service for Aboriginal O'Rourke, A.T. Families in Perth. Final Report, Department
Blurton, F.M. for Community Welfare, Perth.
McDonald, E.M. & Young, G.R.
979
Robinson, M.V. & 1975 Kuns: An Aboriginal Card Game from the Yu, P. North-West of Western Australia Department
of Native Welfare Newsletter. Vol. 3, pp. 41-49.
Rochier, A .C. 1980 Parliament- Senate. Questions - Western
Australian elections: Aboriginal Legal Service involvement. Scrutineering by Aboriginal Legal Service in Kimberley; support of federal funds. Weekly Hansard Perth
Rock, P. 1981 News as Eternal Recurrence. In Cohen, S. &
Young, J. eds. The Manufacture of News, Constable, London.
Roe, M. 1986 A model Aboriginal state. 1927 Petition to
Federal House of Representatives calling for "A Model Aboriginal State"; impetus of East Kimberley massacre 1926 for formation of 'Aborigines' Protection League. Aboriginal History.
Rose, D.B. 1985 Preliminary Report: Ethnobotany in the
Bungles. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 5.
Rosendorff, P. 1977 Blacks in the northwest finally get the vote
(new election ordered in Kimberley electorate). Nation Review.
Rosendorff, P. 1977 Liberal minister's antics. Report on hearings of alleged malpractices by Liberal Party scrutineers in the Kimberley electorate during WA elections Feb. Nation Review.
Ross, A.H. 1981 Perceptions of Housing of ( 1) Aboriginal
Fringe Campers (2) Reserve and Town Campers (3) Aboriginal Tenants of State Housing (4) Non-Aboriginal Tenants of State Housing in Halls Creek, W A: Field Notebooks and Interview Data.
Ross, A.H. 1987 Just For Living Aboriginal Perceptions of
Housing in North-West Australia. Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra.
Ross, A.H. & 1983 Socio-spatial Aspects of Australian Aboriginal Drakakais - Smith, D. Under-development, Empirical Evidence from East Kimberley. In Geogorum, Vol. 14, No. 3, pp. 325-332.
980
Ross, H. 1989 Community Social Impact Assessment: a
cumulative study in the Turkey Creek area Western Australia. East Kimberley Paper No. 27. Canberra.
Ross, H. 1989 Impact Stories of the East Kimberley. East
Kimberley Paper No. 28. Canberra.
Ross, H. & 1989 Argyle Social Impact Group (ASIG): Issues
Johnson, J. for Review. East Kimberley Working Paper
No. 32. Canberra.
Roth, W .E. 1905 Royal Commission on the Condition of
Natives in Western Australia. Western Australia Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings.
Rowley, C.D. 1970 Outcasts in White Australia. Penguin.
Ringwood.
Rowley, C.D. 1987 Recovery. Penguin. Ringwood.
Rowse, T. 1987 Were You Ever Savages? Aboriginal Insiders
and Pastoralists' Patronage, Mankind University of Sydney.
Royal Commission 1884 West Australian Commission appointed to inquire into the treatment of Aboriginal native prisoners. Government Printer, Perth.
Royal Commission of 1894 Legislative Council. Report on Rottnest Prison W.A. for the year 1893. Includes names, offence,
length of sentence and area of origin of all Aboriginal prisoners. Government Printer, Perth.
Royal Commission of 1905 Royal Commission on the Condition of the Western Australia Natives. Report Terms of reference; evidence
and recommendations on the administration of Aborigines Department, reserves and institutions, Gaols Department; employment and wages; supply of liquor and firearms; native police; treatment of prisoners and women; ration system.
Royal Commission of 1908 Royal Commission to enquire into the Western Australia treatment of natives by the Canning
Exploration Party. Report. Charges against party - chaining of natives, depriving natives of water, hunting native women for immoral purposes. The West Australian, Perth.
981
Royal Commission of 1927 Royal Commission of inquiry into alleged Western Australia killing and burning of bodies of Aborigines in
East Kimberley and into police methods when effecting arrests. Circumstances of arrest in June 1926 of Aboriginal on charge of murder of F.W. Hay. Facts relating to alleged killing and burning of bodies at Gotegote-merrie, Dala and Mowerie in Forrest R. district Evidence given by 38 witnesses. Relationship between natives and early settlers (in evidence by Rev. E.R.B. Gribble). Government Printer, Perth.
Royal Commission of 1974 Report of the Royal Commission into Western Australia Aboriginal Affairs. Royal Commission upon
all matters affecting the well being of persons (with particular reference to their health, education, housing, social welfare, economic and group cultural needs) and to recommend such legislative, administrative, or other changes as are thought necessary. Government Printer, Perth.
Royal Commission of 1975 Royal Commission into Matters Surrounding Western Australia the Trial of Baymis U gle and subsequent
investigations relating thereto. Concerned with conduct of Narrogin police in connection with arrest and charging ofUgle (an Aborigine) and subsequent investigations.
Royal Commission of 1976 Laverton Skull Creek inquiry. Summary of Western Australia findings of the Royal Commission on
Laverton, W A. Legal Service Bulletin.
Rumley, H.E. 1986 Aborigines, local government and incorporated associations in Western Australia. Human Rights Commission, Canberra.
Rumley, H. & 1988 Aborigines and Local Government in the East
Rumley, D. Kimberley. East Kimberley Working Paper
No. 25. Canberra.
Rumley, H. & 1990 'For their own benefit?': A critical overview of
Toussaint, S. Aboriginal policy and practice at Moola Bulla,
East Kimberley 1910-1955. Journal of Aboriginal History, Canberra.
982
Russell, E.M. 1980 The Aboriginal inhabitants and the law 1829-1979. In Russell, E.M. A history of the law in Western Australia and it development from 1829 to 1979. Examination of Western Australian legislation as it affected Aborigines; European and Aboriginal rights before the law compared. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Ruth, E. 1983 Noongar and Family Law: The south-west
Aboriginal experience. An unpublished paper presented to the 53rd ANZAAS Conference. University of Western Australia, Perth.
Sackett, L. 1974 The case of the Wiluna five. Paper presented at
Research Seminar on Aborigines and the Law, July. Recounts establishing court proceedings, reaching a verdict
Sackett, L. 1977 Liquor and the Law: Wiluna, Western
Australia. In Aborigines and Change, Berndt R.M. {ed), Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, pp. 90-99.
Saggers, S. & Gray, 1988 Whose Ideology? Adult Aboriginal Attitudes D. to Education on the Carnarvon Aboriginal
Reserve. In Learning My Way, Papers from the National Conference on Adult Aboriginal Learning, Western Australian College of Advanced Education, Perth.
Saggers, S. & Gray, n.d. Policy and practice in Aboriginal health. In D. Reid, J. (ed), Aboriginal health. Harcourt,
Brace, Jovanovich, Sydney. (Forthcoming)
Sandefur, J. & 1979 Language Survey, Pidgin and Creole in the
Sandefur, J. Kimberley, Western Australia. Darwin:
Summer Institute of Linguistics, Australian Aborigines Branch.
Sanders, W. 1990 Reconstructing Aboriginal housing policy in
remote areas: how much room for manoeuvre? Australian Journal of Public Administration. Vol. 49, No. 1.
Sanson-Fisher, 1980 Survival oriented skills - the disadvantaged R.W., delinquent. Correlation between social
Mills, N., disadvantage and delinquency; skills deficient in
Jodrell, R., delinquent groups; subjects from Western
Mulligan., B., Australia tested for social orientation skills;
Woolacott., Aboriginal group characteristics.
Stoller, K.
983
Sayers, B. 1988 Left or Right Brain: Is there a Neurological
Relationship to Traditional Aboriginal Learning Styles? in Learning My Way, Papers from the National Conference on Adult Aboriginal Learning, Western Australian College of Advanced Education, Perth.
Scarlett, N.H. 1985 A Preliminary Account of the Ethnobotany of the Kija people of Bungle Bungle Outcamp. East Kimberley Working Paper No.6, Canberra.
Schapper, H. 1967 Planning Social and Economic Advancement of Aborigines and Part Aborigines in Western Australia, 30 June 1967. Manuscript -University of Western Australia, Perth.
Schapper, H. 1968 Human Rights and Aborigines for International Womens' Day- Perth, 8 March. Manuscript-University of Western Australia, Perth.
Schapper, H. 1968 The Next Hundred Houses of Natives in Western Australia, June. Manuscript-University of Western Australia, Perth.
Schapper, H. 1968 No House in the Sun (A Chat on Housing for Aboriginals), 30 March 1968. Paper for Housing Conference, Aboriginal Advancement Council, Western Australia.
Schapper, H. 1970 Aboriginal advancement to integration; conditions and plans for Western Australia. Australian National University Press, Canberra.
Seaman, P. 1984(a) The Aboriginal Land Inquiry: Discussion Paper. Government Printer, Perth.
Seaman, P. 1984(b) The Aboriginal Land Inquiry: Final Report. Government Printer, Perth.
Semple, D.L. 1979 Delinquency and the community (talk given at seminar in Perth, on Aboriginal juvenile delinquency and the Department for Community Welfare) Western Australia. 3(7): 12-13. Aboriginal News.
Senior, C. 1987 Tourism and Aboriginal Heritage with
Particular Reference to the Kimberley -Unpublished Manuscript
984
Serventy, V.N. 1969 Australia's national parks: landfonns, plants, animals revealed through nature reserves. 224p. pls. illus. diags. map. Canunda National Park, Angus & Robertson, Sydney.
Seward, J .F. & 1981 Comparison of Births to Aboriginal and
Stanley, F.J. Caucasian mothers in Western Australia. Med.
J. Aust. 2:80.
Shann, E.O.G. 1978 Cattle chosen: the story of the first group
settlement in Western Australia 1829 to 1841 ; with an introduction by Marian Aveling. (xvii, 186 p. First published London, Oxford University Press, 1926, g.v. for annotation. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Shaw, B. 1981 My Country of the Pelican Dreaming: The Life
of an Australian Aborigine of the Gadjerong, Grant Ngabidj, 1904-1977. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Shaw, B. 1983 Banggairyerri: The Story of Jack Sullivan,
Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Shaw, B. 1987 1941- The tale of Wallambain and
Philchowski. Comparison between Mary Durack's versions and Johnny Walker's version of how Wallambain succeeded in killing Rudolf Philchowski, and not being caught for it; use of glass in spears; transcript of interview with Johnny Walker. Aboriginal History, Canberra.
Sherwood, J. 1982 Aboriginal Education in the 1970's: what of
the 1980's? In Aboriginal Education, John Sherwood (ed), Creative Research, Perth.
Sherwood, J. 1982 Aboriginal Education, Issues and Innovations, Perspectives in Multicultural Education Volume 2, Perth.
Sherwood, J. & 1982 Aboriginal Studies for Australian Schools. In Jackson, M. Aboriginal Education, Creative Research,
Perth.
Singleton, J. 1979 The real story behind WA's 'race riots'. Race
relations at Fitzroy Crossing; Aboriginal Legal Service. Bulletin, 9 Oct. 22-4, illus.
985
Smith, D.l. 1986 Priorities in Aboriginal Alcohol Research.
Paper prepared for presentation to National Health and Medical Research Council and the Menzies Foundation Workshop on Research Priorities to Improve Aboriginal Health, Alice Springs, 26-28 November.
Smith, D.l. 1986 Survey of Homelessness, Alcohol consumption
and related problems amongst Aboriginals in the Hedland area. Unpublished report, Western Australia Alcohol and Drug Authority, August.
Smith, D.l. 1986 Research proposal for survey of Aboriginal
alcohol consumption and related problems at Wiluna W A. Unpublished paper, West Australian Alcohol and Drug Authority.
Smith, D.l., n.d. Alcohol Consumption and Crime in Two
Singh, H., Aboriginal Communities (Hedland and
Singh, M.N. & Wiluna).
Skowron, S.
Smith, D.l. & n.d. Alcohol Consumption and Related Problems
Skowron, S. amongst 162 Aborigines in the Hedland Area of
Western Australia.
Snow, D. 1980 A drum of port (to disrupt voting at Turkey
Creek Western Australia). Charges of voting irregularities at Fitzroy Crossing, Broome and Guda Guda. National Times, Canberra.
Snow, M. & Noble, 1986 Urban Aboriginal Self-Images and Mass Media. G. Media Information Australia, No. 42.
Social Environment 1979 Report on the environmental conditions of Senate Standing Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders and the
Committee preservation of their sacred sites. AGPS.
Canberra.
Social Welfare 1982 Senate Standing Committee on social welfare Policy Secretariat inquiry into children and youth under
institutional and other forms of care. Canberra.
Sommerland, E. 1976 Homes for blacks: Aboriginal community and adoption. In report of the workshop on Aboriginal community and adoption. Sydney.
986
Sommerville, C. 1985 Aboriginal Legal Service: a problem of representation. In Aboriginal Criminal Justice Workshop. Justice programs for Aboriginal and other indigenous communities; ed. by
K.M. Hazlehurst Discusses delivery, funding and self-management of Aboriginal Legal Service in Western Australia.
Somerville, W. 1954 Rottnest Island: its history and legends, its discovery and development, natural beauties, fauna and flora; (2nd edit) Rottnest Board of Control. Includes an introduction; a holiday on Rottnest by J.T. McMahon and a letter from W. Murdoch. Its conditions of Aboriginal prisoners on the island under different superintendents; information drawn from a wide range of contemporary sources and documents.
Sowden, W .J. 1903 With the Nor'-West mail: a cruise on summer
seas. p.20: Comments on early Dutch explorers and questions inter-marriage with natives. p.35 Aboriginal chain gang at Broome - treatment of prisoners. Thomas Press,
Adelaide.
Spargo, R.M. 1986 The Health of Kimberley Aborigines: A
Personal 15 Year Perspective. Perth: East Kimberley Health Impact Assessment Group. (Working Paper No. 12)
Stafford, C. 1986 A Comparative Analysis of Institutionalised
Racism and Violence. In Chappell, D. and Wilson, P. (eds). The Australian Criminal Justice System- The Mid-1980's. Sydney. Butterworths.
Stafford, C. 1988 Between the Rock and Another Hard Place:
Aborigines and the Criminal Justice System in the East Kimberley Region of Western Australia. Research, methodology; historical, social demographic background; analysis of statistics, population, offences, charge rates; Courts of Petty Sessions, Children's Courts, Hall's Creek, Kununurra; juvenile offenders; role of media. Armidale, NSW.
Stafford, G. 1980 Kimberley arrests follow cop blitz (Aboriginal
postal votes and breaches of the Electoral Act). Direct Action.
Stafford, G. 1980 West Australian government refuses Turkey
Creek prosecution (of a man who tried to get Aborigines too drunk to vote in the State elections). Direct Action.
987
Standing Committee 1990 on Legislation, Report of
Stannage, C.T. 1979
Stanner, W.E.H. 1969
Stanton, J.E. 1980
Stanton, J.E. 1984
State Wide Ear 1989
Health Advisory Committee
State Working 1984
Party on Concessions and Emergency Financial Aid, The
Stevens, S. 1985
Stevenson, L. & 1979
Stannage, C.T.
Stockbridge, M.E. 1965
Criminal Code Amendment (Incitement to Racial Hatred) Bill. Legislative Council, August.
The People of Perth: A Social History of Western Australia's Capital City. Perth City Council.
After the Dreaming. The Boyer Lectures. Australian Broadcasting Commission, Sydney.
The Mt Margaret Community. In Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present Berndt, R.M. & C.H. (eds), pp. 119-125. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Conflict, Change and Stability at Mt Margaret: An Aboriginal Community in Transition. Unpublished PhD. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Report published by the Department of Health, Western Australia.
Towards making ends meet Western Australia.
Inhabited National Parks: Indigenous Peoples in Protected Landscapes. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 10, Canberra.
Law and Order: Aborigines. In A veling, M., ed. Westralian voices:documents in Western Australian social history; Aborigines and the law in Western Australia before 1850. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Six girls. Report on work amongst female teenage delinquents in Western Australia, a number of whom are of Aboriginal descent See also female teenage delinquents in Western Australia, by M.E. Stockbridge. Australian Social Worker.
988
Stokes, J.L. 1846 Discoveries in Australia: with an account of the
coasts and rivers explored and survey during the voyage of HMS Beagle, in the years 1837-38-39-40-41-42-43 by command of the Lord Commissioners of the Admiralty. Boone, London.
Stormon, E.J. 1977 The Salvado Memoirs: Historical Memoirs of Australia and Particularly of the Benedictine Mission of New Norcia and of the Customs of the Australian Natives by Dom Salvado. University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Streatfield, D. 1990 Aboriginal health in the Northern Territory. In the Future of Remote Aboriginal Communities. Conference Papers. Published by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.
Stuart, D. 1959 Yandy. Georgian House, Melbourne.
Sturma, M. 1987 Policing the criminal frontier in mid-nineteenth
century Australia, Britain and America. In M. Finnane (ed), Policing in Australia; Historical Perspectives, NSW Unversity Press, Kensington, 1987.
Sullivan, H. 1987 Food costs and nutrition of Aborigines in
Gracey,M., & remote areas of northern Australia, Medical
Hevron, V. Journal of Australia; 147: 334-337
Sullivan, P. 1987 Aboriginal Community Representative
Organisations: Cultural Processes in the Kimberley Region, Western Australia. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 22. Canberra.
Supreme Court 1984 Between the Queen and T.J. Roll, S.A. Bordas, I.F. Armitt, J. Young (and) M. Walker, (defendants) on the charge of manslaughter. No. 31 of 1984. Trial of five policemen charged with manslaughter of Aboriginal John Pat in Roeboume, September 1983. Perth.
Swain, T. & 1988 Aboriginal Australians and Christian Missions.
D.B. Rose (eds) Ethnographic and Historical Studies. The
Australian Association for the Study of Religions. Adelaide.
Swan, P. 1988 200 Years of Unfinished Business. In the
Aboriginal Health Workers. Vol. 12, 4 December.
989
Swanton, B. 1983 The Voice of the People: Aborigines Judicial Detenninism and the Criminal Justice System in Australia. Paper delivered to the Australian Institute of Criminology Seminar on 'Aborigines and Criminal Justice'. Proceedings, Training Project No. 27/l/5
Sydall, T. 1975 Joint Laverton Study Group. Tenns of
reference; Aboriginal-police relationship; factors contributing to racial disharmony; alcohol; housing; recreation; education; employment; fringe dwelling; conflict of law systems; constitutions ofWongada Wonganara Inc.
Sydall, T. 1978 Court procedures (manual for Aborigines). To
be issued in Walmadjeri. Explains functions of court officers, officials, and participants in simple English; describes court procedures. Broome.
Sydall, T. 1984 Aborigines and the Court I & II. In Swanton,
B. (ed). Aborigines and Criminal Justice, Seminar Proceeding, Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Syrota, G. 1990 Letter to Chris Smyth, Secretary of the
Australian Journalists Association (Western Australia), 25 April.
TAFE,Great 1990 Strategic Plan for Aboriginal Education. Southern College of
Task Force on 1984 Out of the Silent Land. Report of the
Aboriginal and Department of Aboriginal Affairs, AGPS, Islander Broadcasting Canberra.
And Communications.
Task Force on 1986 Break the silence. Report of the Task Force on Domestic Violence. Domestic Violence. Government Printer, Perth.
Tatz, C.M. 1979 Race politics in Australia: Aborigines, politics and .law. Basic problems of race relations; political leadership; Kimberley election, 1977. University of New England Publishing Unit, Annidale, NSW.
Tatz, C.M. 1980 Aborigines: access to civil law. Need for
dictionary of Aboriginal civil law cases; relevance of Coe case; small claims cases; Noonkanbah case; compensation, use of civil law by Aborigines. Legal Service Bulletin.
990
Taylor, A., 1990 Comparison of Talk-Back Radio Presenter Hodson, S. & Styles (draft) Media, Race and Ideology Project,
Trigger, D. Department of Anthropology, University of
Western Australia, unpublished paper.
Taylor, N.E. 1980 Y eera-muk-a-doo: a social history of the settlement of north-west Australia told through the Withnell and Hancock families 1861 to 1890. Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle.
Taylor, R. & 1980 Shire of Wyndham-East Kimberley. Kununurra Burrell, W. Townsite (Town Planning Scheme No.4):
Report and Text. Prepared by Russell Taylor and William Burrell, Consultants in Town Planning and Urban Design, West Perth, W A.
Thackrah, C. 1979 Institutional racism towards Aborigines and its function in the development of capitalism in Australia: an application of the theory of internal colonialism. Torres Strait Islanders and the pearling industry; W A administrative legislation. University of Western Australia.
Thiele, S. 1984 Anti-intellectualism and the 'Aboriginal
problem' -Colin Tatz and the self-determination approach. Mankind 14,3:165-178.
Thies, K. 1987 Aboriginal Viewpoints on Education, A Survey in the East Kimberley Region. Research Series No. 5, National Centre for Research on Rural Education, University of Western Australia.
Thomas, J .E. 1981 Crime and society. In Stannage, C.T. ed. A new history of Western Australia. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands
Thomas, J .E. & 1978 Imprisonment in Western Australia; evolution , Stewart, A. theory and practice. Includes chapter on
imprisonment of Aborigines and details of Rottnest Island prison. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Thomson, N. 1990 Overview of Aboriginal health status. Report to the RCIADIC. Australian Institute of Health, June.
Thorpe, D. 1989 Patterns of child protection intervention and service delivery. Report of the Pilot Project, Department for Community Services, Western Australia.
991
Tonkinson, M. 1985 Two Women of Jigalong in 'Fighters and
Singers', White Isobel, Diane Barwick and Betty Meehan (eds). Sydney: George Allen & Unwin.
Tonkinson, M. 1985 Domestic Violence Among Aborigines, in Western Australia Task Force on Domestic Violence. Break the Silence: Report to the West Australian Government, Perth, pp 283-302.
Tonkinson, M. 1979 Modem Housing for Sedentarised Nomads. In & Heppell, M (ed). A Black Reality: Aboriginal
Tonkinson, R. Camps and Housing in Remote Australia.
Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, pp. 196-206.
Tonkinson, R. 1966 Social Structure and Acculturation of
Aborigines in the Western Desert, MA Thesis, Dept of Anthropology, University of Western Australia, Perth.
Tonkinson, R. 1974 The Jigalong Mob. Aboriginal Victors of the
Desert Crusade. Cummings Publishing Company.
Tonkinson, R. 1978 The Mardudjara Aborigines: Living the Dream in Australia's Desert. Holt, Rinehard and Winston, USA.
Tonkinson, R. n.d. Free Agents Now: The Changing Status of
Aboriginal Women at Jigalong, Western Australia (unpublished manuscript)
Toohey, J.L. 1979 Law under stress: future challenges for the legal
system: a series of lectures to mark the Jubilee Year of the University of W A Law School; introduction by R. Harding. Article by J .L. Toohey separately annotated. University of Western Australia Law School, Nedlands.
Toussaint, S. 1987 Nyungars In The City: A Study of Policy,
Power and Identity. Unpublished MA thesis. Department of Anthropology, University of Western Australia.
Toussaint, S. 1989 Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Healing, Health and Knowledge: Socio-cultural and environmental issues in the Kimberley. Aboriginal Health Information Bulletin. 12:30-35.
992
Trade Union Congress 1981 The Unequal Health of the Nation. A TUC Summary of the Black Report. Grosvenor Press, London.
Trainor, D.E. 1975 Legalized injustice. Evidence of brutality to
RJ. Dodd by prison personnel at Fremantle Prison, Western Australia Dodd's testimony to Royal Commission on Fremantle Prison in 1972. Aboriginal and Islander Forum.
Tremain, N. 1979 Rally against voting bill (protest against the
Electoral Act Amendments Bill, Western Australia). Direct Action.
D. 1990 Unpublished findings from an analysis of the
reporting of ethnic minorities in the Western Australian press in the years 1984 and 1988, verbal submission to the RCIADIC. 30 May.
Trigger, D. 1990 'Everyone's agreed, the West is all you need'.
Media representation of race and ethnicity in Western Australia. Paper prepared for Australian Anthropological Society Conference, University of Queensland, July.
Trigger, D. & 1990 Aboriginal People, media, crime and public
Waddell, C. attitudes in Perth Western Australia: The case
of the Bayswater/Maylands area. Report for the RCIADIC, Broome. (Research Paper 2)
Tucker, M. 1977 If everyone cared. Grosvenor Books,
Melbourne.
Uniview 1990 Magazine published by the University of
Western Australia. Nedlands.
United 1983 Human Rights: A compilation of international
Nations instruments. New York.
Valentine, J. 1984 Maternal and childhood nutrition among
Aborigines of the Kimberley region. Med. J. Aust. 141:506.
Vallance, C.L. 1987 Strategies for combatting petrol sniffing in remote Aboriginal communities. Institute of Applied Aboriginal Studies. Western Australian College of Advanced Education.
Van Duk, T. 1988 Mediating Racism: the role of the media in the
reproduction of racism. In R. Wojack, ed. Language, Power and Ideology, John Benjamins Publishing, Amsterdam.
993
Vickers, F.G. 1969 No man is himself: a novel set in the north
west of Western Australia concerning an officer in charge of Native Welfare who is sympathetic to Aborigines but involved in personal difficulties with the white community and his wife. Australasian Book Club, Sydney.
Vincent, P. 1983 Noonkanbah. In Aborigines, Land and Land
Rights. N. Peterson and M. Langton (eds), pp.327-338. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
Vincent, PJ. 1976 Submission to the Standing Committee on
Aboriginal Affairs (on alcohol problems of the Aborigines). In Australia. Parliament - House of Representatives. Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs.
Vincent, P., 1988 Report of the Interim Inquiry into Aboriginal
Dia, M. Deaths in Custody in Western Australia.
Fanderlinden, B., Fitzgerald, P., Illingworth, B.,& & Russell, E.
Viner, I.R. 1976 Statement by the Minister for Aboriginal
Affairs on the Report of Laverton Royal Commission: House of Representatives. Notes findings of Royal Commission, including alcohol factor; recommends proper measures to establish national policy on police/ Aboriginal relations.
Vinnicombe, P. 1984 Site Management Problems and Prospects in the Kimberley. In Sullivan H., (ed). Visitors to Aboriginal Sites: Access Control and Management Proceedings of the 1983 Kakadu Workshop. Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service: Canberra 29-31.
Vinnicombe, P. n.d. Planning and management of tourism in
Western Australia with special reference to the Aboriginal cultural heritage. Unpublished typescript.
Von Sturmer, J. 1982 Aborigines in the Uranium Industry: Toward self-management in the Alligator Rivers Region. In Aboriginal Rights, Sites and Resource Development. R.M. Berndt (ed). pp. 69-116. Published for the Academy of Social Sciences of Australia by the University of Western Australia Press.
994
Walker,J. 1988 Australian Prisoners 1988. Results of the
National Prison Census 30 June 1988. Australian Institute of Criminology.
Walker,J. 1990 Australian Prisoners 1989. Results of the
National Prison Census 30 June 1989. Australian Institute of Criminology.
Walker, J. & 1985 Australian Prisoners 1985. Results of the
Biles, D. National Prison Census 30 June 1985.
Australian Institute of Criminology.
Walker, J. & 1986 Australian Prisoners 1986. Results of the
Biles, D. National Prison Census 30 June 1986.
Australian Institute of Criminology.
Walker, R. 1981/ Up, Not Down, Mate! Thoughts from a Prison
1987 Cell. Linda Walker and Family.
Walker, R. 1988 In Inside Black Australia, An Anthology of
Aboriginal Poetry, Kevin Gilbert (ed), Penguin.
Wallwork H. 1976 Some comments on the needs of Aboriginal
legal representation and its future development. In Australian Institute of Criminology. Aborigines and the law: proceedings (of a seminar). Legal representation for Aborigines in Western Australia. Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra.
Walton, A. 1985 Western Australia. 12:6-7, bibliography.
Overview of developing land rights legislation. Aboriginal Law Bulletin.
Walton, C. 1990 Aboriginal Education in the NT: Access,
Equity and Pedagogy Issues, Education Faculty, NT University.
Wangkiyuparna 1989 Aboriginal Radio in the Kimberley: A study of Napurru, the broadcasting needs of Aboriginal people in
Puranyangu- the Kimberley district of Western Australia.
Rangka Kerrem & Warringarri Media, The People of
W.A. Parliament 1978 Questions - Aboriginal Legal Service: Legislative misleading of Oombulgurri people, by J.J.
Assembly Harman; with answer by K.A, Ridge. Evidence
to support claims of misleading; entry permits to reserves. West. Aust. Pari. Debates.
995
W.A. Parliament Legislative Assembly
Waringarri Aboriginal Corporation
Waringarri Aboriginal Corporation
Western Australian Tourism Commission
Ward, B.
Ward, G.
Watson, H. & Chambers, D.W.
Wedd,D.
1979
1989
1989
1990
1990
1987
1989
1990
Welfare and 1984
Community Services Review
West, A.L. n.d.
West, E. 1985
West, J. 1979
Questions - Aborigines: conflicts between rival gangs (quest. 645) by J.J. Harman; with answer by R.L. Young Action taken through agencies and departments to resolve conflicts. West Australian Parliamentary Debates.
Annual Report, Kununurra, East Kimberley.
East Kimberley housing meeting. Cockatoo Springs, August.
Area guide: Roebourne & Districts.
Letter to editor of the Kimberley Echo, 23rd July.
Wandering girl. Magabala Books, Broome.
Singing the land, signing the land. Deakin University, Geelong.
Different and deadly. Some characteristics and attitudes of young Aboriginal men in the Kimberley, Broome.
The wellbeing of the people. The final report of the welfare and community services review in Western Australia. Vol2. Government printer, Perth.
Adjustment of part Aborigines trained on a rural south west Mission. Report on Roelands Mission. Unpublished report held at the Aboriginal Affairs Planning Authority, Perth.
Aboriginal studies must be developed with the regular participation of local Aboriginal communities. Curriculum Development in Australian Schools, No. 1.
A western police drama, Starsky and Hutch style (police-Aboriginal relations in Perth). Describes incident in which police officers frightened Aboriginal school girls from Katanning. National Times, Canberra.
996
Western Australian 1987 Aboriginal Voice in Education. The final Aboriginal Education report of the research teams. Published by the Consultative Group Aboriginal Education Resource Unit, Perth. (WAAECG) July.
Western Australian 1990 Report to the W A Aboriginal health policy Alcohol and Drug review team, April
Authority
Western Australia 1984 Draft report to the Environmental Protection Bungle Bungle Authority, October.
Working Group
Western Australia 1977 Conservation reserves in Western Australia: Conservation Reserves Report of the Conservation through Reserves Committee Committee on System 7 to the Environmental
Protection Authority.
Western Australian 1989 Report to the Parliament and the people of Family Foundation Western Australia, December.
Western Australia 1883 Select committee appointed to consider and Legislative Council report upon the Aboriginal Native Offenders Bill, 1883.
Western Australian 1990 The Mineral Industry and Aboriginal Affairs School of Mines. Conference, 23-24 April1990, Kalgoorlie.
White, I. 1987 Annotated Bibliography on Tourism and
Aborigines. Prepared for East Kimberley Assessment Project and the Central Land Council. East Kimberley Working Paper No. 13, Canberra.
Wigley, J. 1977 Desert Homeland Centres: Their Physical
Development. August. Occasional Report No. 4 of the Aboriginal Torres Strait Islander Housing Panel Inc., Canberra.
Williams, J. 1972 Governor Weld and the Landor-Burges affair: a
consideration. Vol. 3, No.2, 157-179. Describes Gove